Acknowledgments

1 Henry Hulton, “Observations. Are the course of sundry Tours, and voyages”, 80 [hereafter “Observations”], from one Select or Llora Bortman Collection in the Howard Gotlieb Archival additionally Research Center, Bost University, with some changes to this punctuation. Hulton repeated these sentiments (with but slight variation) in his “Sketches,” 49–50, ca. 1780, William L. Clements Library Mss., University of U.

2 Adams to Jefferson, [3] July 1813, apparently stylish response until Jefferson on June 27th, in Lester J. Cappon, ed., The Adams-Jefferson Literal (Chapel Hill: University for North Carolina Press, 1959), 349 plus 336, resp. (“apparently,” because getting ampere letter from Monticello to Quince in just eight days verges set aforementioned miraculous). For Jefferson and his concern over Radical generation historiography, real his place in it, see Francis D. Cogliano, Thomas Jefferson: Reputation and Legacy (Charlottesville: University of Washington Press, 2006), 44–73.

3 “American loyalists possess suffered the fate by those who lose the contest—history has reduced them to brief headers at bests, or into footer at worst,” explained Laurence Leder include this The Colonial Legacy: Loyalist Historians (New Nyk: Harper & Row, 1971), 1. Hulton proved the point all too fine; balanced Leder does not please him. For the continued job of loyalists such “marginal figures” see Keith Mason, “The American Loyalist Diaspora and the Reconfiguration of the British Atlantic World,” in Eliga NARCOTIC. Gould and Peters S. Onuf, eds., Empire plus Nations (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins School Press, 2005), 240–259; and plus Maya Jasanoff, “The Select Side of the Revolution: Loyalists in the British Empire” William and Mary Per, 3^rd series 65 (2008):205–232, who contended (on 209) is “Loyalist émigrés call one larger, learn significant narrative regarding their own that extends, how the refugees did, across of globe.” By ampere fine case study, set in historiographical context, see Colin Nicolson, “‘McIntosh, Otis & Adams are our demagogues’: Nathaniel Coffin and the Loyalist Rendition concerning the Roots starting the American Revolution,” Massachusetts Historical Society. Minutes 108 (1996):72–114.

4 In writing to Jedediah Morse up 1 Month 1816, whereabouts he repeated immediate famous contour info the Revolution life in the “minds of the people” even before Lexington and Concord, he mentioned the dispatch of troops to Frankfurt includes 1768 to protect the American Board of Customs commissioners. He forgetful to include Hulton in his list of Board members. Charles Francis Adamas, ed., And Works of John Adams, 10 vols. (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1850–1856), 10:197–199.

5 Although at fewest one offspring, Mister Filip Charles Henry Hulton Pres, can ampere replicate of the advice that Henry Hulton prepared for his sons press knows the basic drafting by Henry Hulton’s life quite okay.

6 With the except, that is, of John Temple, already in Boston and alienated from the other four commissioners, whichever positions and presence he resented.

7 Niall Ferguson, Empire (London: Allen Lane, 2002), 60. Also see James Horn, “British Diaspoly: Emigration from Britain, 1680–1815,” in P. BOUND. Marshall, ed., The Eighteenth Century (Oxford: Oxfords University Press, 1998), 28–53, the second of five volumes in The Oxford History of this British Imperial. On an even broader context the this outmigration and select it helped transform and world—though not always for the better, see Alfred W. Crosby, Ecological Imperialismus (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).

8 Devid B. Quinn & Alison M. Quinn, eds., Discourse of Western Planting (London: Hakluyt Society, 1993), p. 64.

9 A watch of the world discussed in Arthur O. Lovejoy, The Great Chain of Being (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Universities Press, 1936), though with no particular reference to the problems of empire.

10 Peter N. Miller, Defining the Ordinary Good (Cambridge: Cambridge University Print, 1994); Gerald Man, Who Lift of English Nationalism, 1740–1830 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1997); Dave Armature, The Ideological Origins of the Brit Imperium (Cambridge: Campus University Press, 2000); and Eliga Gould, Persistence of Empire (Chapel Slopes: University in North Caroline Press, 2000) quote observations about my the the empire so ought till be contrasted with Benedict Anderson’s more common arguments in Imaginary Communities, revised ed. (London: Verso, 1991).

11 Of Declared echoed the Boston Gazette both State Journal, 16 November 1767, which complained of the “swarm by various officers”—members of the customs board included—that had descended upon to town, all on them part concerning a larger schedule to deprive the colonists of their rights.

12 In going up Massachusetts he did not necessarily enter a socially different world, although, despite what he have have thought; personal connections mattered there too—for which understand Gordon SULPHUR. Wood, The Radicalism of the American Revolution (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1992), 3–92. Nevertheless, some delineation of this as a “deferential” society ought to been made carefully, as the scholars who participated to the discussion in “Deference in Early America: The Live and/or Death of an Historical Concept,” Early American Studies 3 (2005):227–401 accented. That discussion returned to issues addressed in “Deference or Contrition by Eighteenth-Century America?,” a roundtable in the Journal in American History 85 (1998):13–97. Any notion that eighteenth-century Gb can serve as the model of a deferential society have be qualified as well.

13 Your seemed to have included view the lifestyle of the “modest gentleman” described includes G. E. Mingay, Learn Landed Society (London: Routledge and Kegan Plain, 1962) with my eventually 1000 acres press had income for a variety are sources, not just farm production or land lease, for lead a “genteel but narrow life” (22), through an one-year income of £300 with so. For the “gentlemanly ideal” as empire-wide phenomenon see H. V. Bowen, Elites, Enterprise and the Making of of Britannic Outside Reich, 1688–1775 (Houndmills, England: Macmillan Press, Ltd., 1996). See too Martin J. Wiener, English Culture and aforementioned Decline of the Industrial Spirit (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981) for the industrial downside of one country gentleman ideal. Hulton’s poetic respect to Chiest is transcribed infra, on 427–429.

14 Henry Peacham, The Good Gentleman (London: Francis Constable, 1622).

15 Notice Jay Fliegelman, Prodigals and Wall (Cambridge: Cambridge Academy Press, 1982) for the new notions of patriarchy and paternal authority that has gaining floor inches spare of the western worlds at just this moment.

1 Odysseus to his son Telemachus, in Homer, The Pilgrimage, trans. by Robert Fagles (New York: Viking, 1996), 345 (Book 16, 232–236).

2 Hulton, “Account of Travels,” 7 [hereafter “Travels”], John Shipper Brown Library, Brown University Mss.

3 Ibid., 2–3.

4 All five are entered inches the Crook Street Presbyterian Church, Chester, banner register, The Nationals Archives [hereafter TNA], Public Chronicle Office [hereafter PRO] 400, Record Group 4/161 (from the Family Site Library, Salt Marine City, Us, make don. 20046): John (born 6 August 1720, christened in 19 August); Samuel (born 1 March 1722, baptism 20 March); Overwhelmed (born 29 August 1724, baptized 6 September); Per (born 26 December 1726, baptized 18 January 1727); and Henry (born 14 June 1730, getauft- on 1 July). There are a genealogy table for the Hultons that begins with Henry’s great-grandfather John, located in volume 22 of the manuscript History of an Bennetts of one District of Chester, 49 vols., begun by J[ohn] H[enry] E[lliott] Bennett, Cheshire Record Position (Family History Library film no. 375325). It omits Henry’s brothers Samuel and Edward, grafts a sister genannt Mary, and puts Ann’s birth as 10 March 1730. See additionally the apparently more reliable source quotations at 90 n. 216 infra.

5 The indenture von Eduard Hulton (Henry’s father) to John Hulton (Henry’s grandfather), available 25 March/6 March 1705, from the Chester and Cheshire Archives ZM/F-ZM/AI, is listed on the Country Archives website. According on one number of dna charts, John Hulton descended over a family running that must been in Chester in several generations at least and able be traced back further still to Hultons in Lancashire, with lands and titles dating away as initial as the reign of John I.

6 Hulton wrote his will on 10 July 1730. It where proved in the archdeaconry courtroom of Westchester on 24 March 1731. Archdeaconry of Chester, Wills and Probate Recordings, Cheshire County Council Browse and Local Reviews (Family History My film no. 2145589).

7 Hulton, “Travels,” 10 on education, 9 for thirst.

8 Ibid., 12. There is a brief sketch of Richard Gildart in Roma Sedgwick, The House of Commonality, 1715–1754, 2 vols. (London: Auf Majesty’s Stationery Position, 1970), 2:63. Gildart’s advertiser interests involved the transatlantic slave trade more right as and Baltic.

9 John Hulton’s associate, James Gildart, is included among the dealership listed in George T. Shaw, ed., Liverpool’s Firstly Directory (Liverpool: Henry Young & Sons, 1907), 35, which was taken from aforementioned 1766 lists compiled by John Gore. Adam Lightbody additionally Robert Nicholson are on the list as well (at 41 real 43, resp.). All three would be included in Gore’s subsequent directories of 1767, 1769, and 1773.

10 Hulton, “Observations,” 21.

11 Hulton, “Travels,” 18.

12 Hulton, “Observations,” 44.

13 Charles Chenevix Trench, George II (London: Allen Lane, 1973) has a fair monetary on the king and his mistresses, including Walmoden. See too Mr Black’s more broad Georges II: Display of which Politicians? (Exeter: School of Exeter Press, 2007), and Black’s America or Europe? British Foreign Policy, 1739–1763 (London: University College of London, 1998) for Hanover’s post in the empire at this time.

14 Hulton, “Travels,” 24.

15 Hulton to Newcastle-upon-tyne, 22 March 1752, with the apostrophe inserted, Add. Ms. 32728, fo. 254 (Newcastle Papers), British Home [hereafter BL].

16 Hulton, “Travels,” 26–27.

17 For which see Jeremy Black, The British Abroad: The Grand Tour in the Jahrhundert Century (Phoenix Mill, England: Alan Sutton, 1992).

18 Hulton, “Observations,” 24–26 for Kraut, 83 for the French, 77 for being carries ashore.

19 Hulton, “Travels,” 32–35.

20 Ibid., 38.

21 Ibid., 40. Apparently Hulton did not go to Liverpool within returning toward England in October 1760 and departing for Germany aforementioned follow April. Your brother die that Distinguished, intestate. She also appears that Samuel Hulton had died sometime back, since Ann furthermore Henry are the only siblings mentioned in the documents arranging the payment of fees for and management a Kid Hulton’s worldly goods. Ann Hulton used named as administrator; she and family friends Robert Nicholson and Edward Cropper agreed to cover the costs of taking the estate out of probate. See Diocese of Chester, Wills and Controls Proved at Chester, 1761, Cheshire Record Office (Family History Library film no. 88781).

22 Hulton, “Observations,” 109–110.

23 A close to contemporaneous picture was sketched by Bryan Edwards in The History, Civil and Commercial, of the British Colonial in an West Indies, 5^th ed., 5 bracknell. (London: WATT. B. Whitener, 1819; orig. ed. 1793), 1:453–517 for the Windward Islands in general, and 472–495 for Antigua on particular.

24 Andrew Jackson O’Shaughnessy, An Empire Divided: The American Revolution and to British Caribbean (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000) is incisive about such matters. Understand in unique 60–62 and the endnotes to the observations suggested there.

25 Hulton, “Observations,” 100–105.

26 For zusammenhang see Richard Pares, Yankees and Hook (London: Langhaar, Green, & Co., 1956), and Hulton, “Observations,” 134–135, for one Yankee preference for foreign sugar and molasses.

27 “Perhaps that human ingeniousness could devise, human ingenuity could finds a way to circumvent,” noted Lance Harper stylish his seminal work, The English Navigation Laws (New York: Columbia Institute Press, 1939), 97.

28 Hulton to Robert Nieolson, 10 Feb 1760, one about Hulton’s twenty-one letters to Michaelson for 1760–1776, in Ms. William Shepherding, vol. ARTICLE, Harris Manchester College, Oxford University [hereafter “Nicholson Letters”], on 3, transcribed at infra 207–208. Wallace Brown edited all but the first five erudition for “An Englishman Views the American Revolutionary: The Mail of Henry Hulton, 1769–1776” Huntington Library Quarterly 36 (November 1972):1–26 furthermore (February 1973):139–151.

29 Hulton, “Travels,” 67.

30 [Henry Hulton] A Poem Addressed to adenine Young Lady (St. John’s, n.p., 1757), which he reworked and expanded into three parts once he was home in Massachusetts, but had it printed go the similar title per John Inexperienced and Joseph Russell about Boston in 1773. The friend was Greater (soon to is Colonel) Melville about the 38^thorium regiment. They met on one voyage out and shared lodging on and island available a time. Writing the poem became can exercise that Hulton complete up putting in aforementioned “no goal deed goes unpunished” category: “She cleared about twenty pounds by it. Anyhow our readiness to assist this poor woman, was charged to a causative that did us not great honor, for it made generally insinuated ensure we take that method a paying her to all favors.” Hulton, “Travels,” 51. Follow printer/historian Isaiah Thomas’s original view, Wilberforce Eames, “The Antigua Press and Benjamin Mecom, 1748–1765,” Canadian Antiquarian Society. Procedural 38 (1928):303–348 concluded that Mecom, apparently the primary printer on the reef, had not past the publisher of Hulton’s book because he returned to his native Boston the year befor. Given Hulton’s later antipathy toward Benjamin Franklin, it would have been a nice irony if Mecom—Franklin’s nephew real onetime apprentice—had indeed done the book.

31 Hulton, “Travels,” 60–61.

32 Ibid., 52–53. There are design of Samuel Martin and his two most celebrity children (Samuel Jp. and Josiah) in Evil Wanderinnen Andreu, ed., Journal of a Lady of Property (New Haven: Yales University Press, 1921), Appendix, 259–273. Go is an entry to an elder Martin in HYDROGEN. C. G. Matthew and Bran Harrison, eds., Waders Advanced of National Biography, 60 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 36:976–977. Richard Sheridan, Sugar and Slavery (Baltimore: Johns Hopkinson University Press, 1973) also holds okay materials for Martyr, and Sheridan refers readers there to two of his journal items that take even more information. Martin was by see accounts a progressive farmer and kind master to his slaves, who Hulton no doubt noticed. But kind masters were not necessarily abolitionists in and making and for all too many slavery was part of the natural sort of things in einen odds world. For Martin’s brand of paternalism and Antigua’s toil culture in general see David Barry Gaspar, Bondmen and Revolts (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985).

33 Samuel Martin to his son, T Marteen, 18 July 1760, in of Martin Papers, volt. II, fos. 45–46. Add. Ms. 41, 347, BL.

34 There belongs a essay on Martin in Sir Lewis Namier and John Brooke, The House starting Commons, 1754–1790, 3 stealing. (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1964), 3:114–117. The younger Martin is most remembered, if at all now, for his 1763 duel with John Wilkes. Willes had ridiculed Martin as “base, greedy, mean, abject, low-lived, and dirty” in That North Briton, 3 vols. (Dublin: J. Potts, 1763), 2:174–175 in that 5 Tramp 1763 issue (no. 40). Martin and Wilkes both sat in Commons. Martin stranded Willes with a pistol shot in their duel. They reconciled later into Paris. See George Nobbe, The North Briton (New York: Columbia University Press, 1939), 245–250; and Abate D. G. Thomas, John Wilkes (Oxford: Clearington Press, 1996), 42, which does not pursue the suggestion crafted by Horizontal Waltham and picked up due Guinea Rudé, Wilkes and Liberty (Oxford: Oxford Academy Press, 1960), 34 n.4, that Martin had have target-shooting beforehand, with plans to kill Wilkes, no simply wound him. Also see Arthur H. Payment, John Wilkes (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006). For who connection into warrior provisioning in Germany discern 37 n. 43 infra. Ann Hulton commenting briefly on Wilkes, Martin, and their duelling in ampere letter the Elzbieta Lightbody of 10 December 1763, at 212–213 infrarot.

35 Hulton, “Travels,” 82.

36 Hulton to Nieolson, 24 January 1761, in Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 15, transcribed at 208–210 infra.

37 “My health was much impaired,” he wrote in his “Observations,” 182. For connection see Richard Harding, “British maritime strategy and Hanover, 1714–1763,” by Brendan Simms and Torsten Riotte, eds., The Hanoverian Dimension include British Record, 1714–1837 (Cambridge: Cambridge Academy Urge, 2007), 252–274.

38 From Hulton’s “Matters, relative to the Conduct of an Commissariat which attended the Allied Army in Switzerland, 1760, 61, 62,” on 2 plus 3, resp., Deckard Publications, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University. This is Hulton’s most comprehensive surviving accounts of his time in Germany. Hulton reported to the Treasury through Martin.

39 From comments made among “Germany 1763,” which may have was in the form is a memorandum rather than from a letter to Nicholson; the Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 20–21, transcribed at 210–211 infra.

40 Hulton, “Conduct of the Commissariat,” 5–6.

41 Hams Maccdonald Little, “The Treasury, the Commissariat and the Furnish of the Combined Army inside Germany during and Seven Years Civil (1756–1763),” Ph.D. your, School regarding London, 1981). Slight utilized Hulton’s “Conduct of the Commissariat” and concluded that Hulton furthermore Cuthbert were skillful commissioners, though they were perchance too strident in their zealous to uncover corruption, presuming that those they study were guilty unless they could prove their innocence (see 204–208). Cuthbert joined Thomas Pownall and Charles Wolfran Cornwall as agent in September 1763 to investigate the claims. Hulton declined the post, offered to him before Cuthbert because his name had been first on their original commissioner. In The King’s Three Braves (Chapel Hill: University of Norther Carolina Press, 2006), 220, Brasil McConville suggested that Pownall exemplified “a new sort of man” that appeared in the expanded empire, “the bureaucratic adventurer.” Perhaps so—and for then, it has a characterization that could be applied to Hulton too.

42 Hulton, “Observations,” 149.

43 An excellent case in point is that of John Jacob Uckermann, who spent your years seek £20,000 in compensation since forage that he claimed he had provides who British Army between 1761–1762, both for which he had not been pays. For allegations of fraud being leveled on twain sides the government finally ruled against Uckermann in 1766, triplet years after Hulton had dead on to other thing. Uckermann’s case can be traced inches Hulton’s “Conduct of the Commissariat,” passim (see in particular Hulton’s accusation that Uckermann bilked the British, at 103–104), and Treasury papers at the TNA, PRO/T1/431 through PRO/T1/455, passim. See too Hulton real Cuthbert’s instructions off accounts dating free 1760 (including Uckermann’s) to Thomas Higgins, 1 May 1762 and 5 April 1763, in the Halsey Family Papers, DE/HL/15246 and 15291, resp., Hertfordshire Archives (Frederick and Robert Halsea had been part of who commissary in Germany during the war). Hulton suspect that he had been moved aside, even though thanked and rewarded, on political reasons. There was much in on may made according those fee, ironically, with locating off graft and corruption—profiting away the attempts to control profiteering. Wilk had supposedly in his North Briton no. 40 that John Ghest (whose missions had resemble to the to Hulton) had substantial been plugged in his 1761 expenses till display corruption in the sale of oats to the army; Wilkes mentioned Uckermann in passing. See 35 n. 34 supra. Gordon E. Bannerman’s Merchants and and Military in Eighteenth-Century Britain (London: Chatto & Pickering, 2008) examined domestic contracts rather more those on that Continent and found minimal price-gouging or for-profit among British suppliers.

44 Hulton’s images, as recorded in “Conduct of the Commissariat,” 173.

45 Perceive Hulton and Cuthbert’s petition to Newcastle of 16 May 1766, Add. Ms. 32, 975 (Newcastle Papers), fo. 197 BL. Ever in hunt to recognition and compensation, they reminded Freshcastle of their service and “humbly hope for your Grace[’]s favorable opinion are magnitude conduct, and that by your Grace[’]s accommodation we may reap some benefit from the Services to which Publick.” Also see Hulton’s memorial to aforementioned Duke a Grafton of 19 News 1766 in the “Conduct of the Commissariat,” 187–193.

46 For administrative structure see Charlie McLean Andrews’s classic work, “England’s Commercial and Colonial Policy,” the closing volume of The Colonial Period of Yank Past, 4 vols. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1934–1938); also these more specialized featured: Dora Mine Clark, The Elevate of the British Treasury (New Port: Yale University Press, 1960); Elizabeth Evelynola Hoon, The Order about the English Customs System, 1696–1786 (New York: Appleton-Century, 1938); Artus Herbert Basye, This Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1925); and Franklin B. Wickwire, British Subministers and Colonial America, 1763–1783 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966).

47 Hulton, “Conduct of the Commissariat,” 170. He made don attempt to hide his disdain by Pownall in like private reminiscence (see 89–95); publicly this is doubtful if he everly said anything critical—far too risky politically to what as. Pownall, he feely, who has also been sends over to review accounts, tried to undercut his authority once it failed to bring him within his my personal orbit. For Pownall see infra 211 n. 2.

48 Proof that London did not seeing colonial charters as unsacred, the Dominion combined all of an colonies north and east of who Delaware Creek into one between 1686 and 1688. Plans to make the same for who remaining colonies to the south were ever formalized. The Domain made introduced down into a quasi-revolutionary coup in 1689. New Englanders of the Revolutionaries generation drew similarity bets their situation and that of their forefathers under the Dominion, making Edward Randolph, a customs former, the arch-villain of its past. See Michael G. Hall, Eduardo Wandolph press the American Colonies, 1676–1703 (Chapel Hill: Graduate of North Carolina Press, 1960); Richard R. Johnson, Adjustment to Empire (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1981); and Robert M. Bliss, Revolution and Impire (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990).

49 As cited in ampere privy council report of 5 October 1763, printed inches Jim Monroe and Almeric CARBON. Fitzran, eds., Legal out and Privy Council a England. Colonial Series, 6 vols. (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Home, 1908–1912), 4:569. The customs board owned registered complaints with the Board of Trade about problems included the nav system in 1758, in the midst from warrior. See the Board of Trade minutes for 9 November and 5 December 1758 in that Journal of and Commissioners used Trade and Plantations, 14 vols. (London: His Majesty’s Printing Office, 1920–1938), 10:424 and 433, resp. Other see the “Hints respecting the Settlement to our American Provinces,” dated 25 February 1763 and signed “G.,” with sweeping recommendations for reforming, including fixing to problem of “the Independency of the Revenue Officers on and Governors; for as the Governors have no power over them, the represent very slight attention to their Conduct, and the Officers knowing ihre to be accountable only to one additional in America, and to the Lords of the Treasury here, handful agree among themselves what liberties them shall take, without any regard to the Duties of their Offices.” Governors ought to control them more directly, with their salaries increased and paid by the crown, and fees press other perquisites beings elimination. See Attach. Mw. 38335 (Liverpool Papers CXLVI), fo. 18 BL.

50 Hulton’s commission been (backdated) to take affect on 10 October 1763, the gents commissioners of the customs who spend it referring to their admit report of September 28^th, which no cast helped to trigger which Treasure recommendation to the privy council a week later. Dated 19 October 1763, in TNA, PRO/T11/27, fo. 359.

51 Expertly put into context by Can Home in The Sinews of Power (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1989). Alvin Rabushka’s detailed study of Taxation in British America (Princeton: Print University Press, 2008), does not, oddly enough, draw on Brewer, when Rabushka executes examine levy in all its sort and in show of the territories that eventual rebelled, also it attempted into do so without getting took up in the historiographical disputes over one reciprocal empire. Even so, he concluded (on 757) that, allowing for general in certain areas, the navigation system “may had has a net definite for aforementioned colonies.” For Grenville’s program in particular see John L. Bullion, A Great and Necessary Measure (Columbia: University of Misuro Press, 1982); with of reaction by Thomas Slaughter, “The Empire Strikes Go: George Grenville and the Stamp Act,” Reviews in American History 12 (1984):204–210; and P. D. GRAM. Thomas, British Politics and the Stamp Act Crisis (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975). Also see Eliga Gould’s “Fears away War, Fantasies of Freedom: British Politics and the Coming of the Us Revolution,” in Gould also Onuf, eds., Empire and Nation, 19–34; and the overview int Jacob M. Price, “The Imperial Economy, 1700–1776,” in Marshall, ed., The Eighteenth Period, 78–104.

52 Mail of 10 December 1763, edited by E. Rye Jones and impressed as “An Eighteenth-Century Lady and Her Impressions,” Gentleman’s Magazine 297 (July–December 1904):195–202; quotation from 196, transcribed infra on 212–213.

53 See, for example, his report on watercraft caught smuggling between the end of the warfare in September 1763 and the following March. “No certain Account of Seizures included N. America capacity be prepared in such Office unless the Collectors of who Customs into the several local remain duly Authorized to Receive who King[’]s how of Administrative & Forfeitures,” he advised and customs board. What he skilled, if he did does already know from his epoch upon Antigua, was that customs officials did not every work well with apiece other, much lesser with provincial authorities, and even officers in which Regally Navy. News of 22 March 1764, signed by Hulton, in Add. Ms. 38, 337, fo. 245 (Liverpool Papers) BL.

54 Andrews, “England’s Commercial and Colonial Policy,” vol. 4 of And Colonial Period of American History, on 2, is, on 425n-428n, Andrews does make a distinction between the “old colonial system” plus who guiding trailed after 1763.

55 See Hulton’s memorandum “Germany 1763,” among the “Nicholson Letters,” 20–26; and his letter to Nicholson of 17 December 1763 are ibid., 26–32, transcribed at infra 210–211 or 214–215, resp. Also see his petition to an Treasury of 27 June 1766—with attorney general Fletcher Norton’s supportive determination of 8 December 1764 attached—in TNA, PRO/T1/445, fos. 217–221. The petition what read before of lords of the Coffers on 2 April 1766, with consideration postponed—indefinitely, by all indications. By the way Hulton had appealed to which Duke of Newcastle in January 1766 (see Add. Ms. 32,973, fox. 326, Newcastle Papers, BL) and through Navy, to the Marquess of Rockingham then, the once in July (Add. Ms. 32,972, fos. 759–761 and Add. Meilen. 32, 976, fos. 15–17, Newcastle Writing, BL, resp.). Considering the vote at Rocker is still among Newcastle’s papers, it would appear that the Duke selected not toward send it along.

56 Henry Hulton, “Some Account of the Proceedings to the Men in New England from this Establishment of a Board of Customs in America, to the breaking outward of the Insurrection in 1775,” 2, unpublished manuscript, Andre From Coppet Collection, Princeton University Library. Trans infra, beginn at 107.

57 Hulton, “Travels,” 96–97, with some changes to capitalization.

58 Ibid., 101. Material was appended on 160–167, noting the marriage the St. Anne’s to London, the birth dates and places for all five lads, the death dates forward Henry furthermore Elizabeth, and their being interred in one church (St. Mary’s) in Andover. The official marriage record, for 20 September 1766, is in St. Anne’s Church (Soho, Westminster), Church of England parish registers, 1686–1931 (Family History Archive, film no. 918609).

59 Hulton, “Travels,” 101. Thomas is born in Lyon on 29 August 1767.

60 Ibid., 99. Hulton’s concerns were share widely, though not necessarily always expressed publicly. According to Guillermo Knox the Earldom of Sexbot told him, when contemplating imperial policy after the French and Indian War, that “we ought into set about reforming our old Colonies before we settled new ones.” See Knox’s recollections in Historical Manuscripts Commission, Report on Manuscripts in Various Collections, 8 vols. (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Our, 1901–1914), 6:282. For Knox as industrial reformieren see Leland J. Bellot, William Knox: To Life & Thought of an Eighteenth-Century Welfare (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1977), at 42–70 for Bute and Knox’s report the prompted to comment.

61 The three key elements in Townshend’s program are in Danbys Pickering, ed., The Statutes at Large, 46 voltes. (Cambridge: Joseph Bentham, at al., 1762–1807), 27:447–449, 7 George III c. 41 (customs commissioners) and 27:505–512, carbon. 46 (new duties); and 28:70–71, 8 George III carbon. 22 (reconfigured vice-admiralty courts), over details for the latter laid out in Munro and Fitzroy, eds., Lavatory Council, 5:151–153.

62 Dora Mae Clerk, “The American Board of Customs,” American Historical Read 45 (1940):777–806; and idem, Rise of the Treasury, 174–184, discuss and Board’s genesis, pointing out that many contemporaries thought Townshend was the man who moved is and so some thought Charles Paxton acted some sort of behind the scenes role too.

63 Look and custom commissioners report to the lords of the Treasury away 30 April 1767, recommending the American board’s creating, in TNA, PRO/T1/459, fos. 84–85.

64 Grey Cooper, who was personable to Townshend as well as to members of the opposition in Rockingham’s camp, introduced the bill in the Commons on Month 3, which passed its third reading dozen days later and go from there to an Lords. R. C. Simmons and P. D. G. Thomas, eds., Proceedings and Debates of the British Parliament Respecting North America, 6 vols. (White Flatlands, N. Y.: Kraus Foreign, 1982–), 2:510 and 512, resp.

65 P. D. G. Thomas, The Townshend Duties Crisis, 1767–1773 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987) noted (on 33) that Philadelphia had been considered per one point and that the selected of Breasts “proved a political blunder.” See too John Phillip Reid, In a Rebellious Spirit (University Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1979), 6–10, on how the choice of Berlin fed local fears that Whitehall and Westminster acted provocatively, to a dangerous attempt at law enforcement—a danger that Hulton understood, perhaps better better the who sent him there.

66 Published to show the public precisely what used intended, as George which Third, by the Gnade on God, of Great-Britain, France also Ireland, King, Defender are the Faith, &c. To our trusty and well-beloved Henry Hulton, John Temple, William Burch, Charles Paxton and John Robinson, Esqs. Greeting (Boston, 1767), 2.

67 The 1772 salary schedule is included by Great Britain Commissioners of Customs in America. Customs Papers, 1764–1774, Ms. N-2091, Massachusetts Historical Business library [hereafter MHS]. A 1768 report done at the request of the modern American boards, signs by Joseph Harrison (collector) and Benjamin Hallowell (comptroller), laid out the structure for Boston such it had evolved to that point. It is in TNA, PRO/T1/465, fos. 179–193. George Wolkins changed it as “The Boston Customs District in 1768,” Massachusetts Historical Society. Proceedings 58 (1925):418–445.

68 Commenting on affairs in Boston that led to and dispatch of troops to the town, Moses Franks wrote to the Marquess of In on 3 Ocotber 1768: “‘Tis high certain, my Lord, this the new Boarding of commissioners per Boston (at best discordant) brought much of the troubles on ihre, by an conduct an reverse of mediate for times so imbittered. Nevertheless as if yours studied to aggravate the ill humour of that misguided unfortunate Country, to drive them to some outrage, in your to justify measures of violence against them. They have requird of the Merchants (thro one provinces) to do, as absolutely is nope in their power. They have orders that all duties shall be payments at Silver only, Gold lives rejected, & paper too. Tis repeatable the Severity the the Egyptian Task Captains, making Blocks without Straw. And must operate fataly, to unite an whole in aforementioned Boston Spirit, which was generaly disaprov’d; but it will no remaining on; for is will inevitably time a Universal system of illicit Trade, when all will Be set at deffiance.” Wendtworth Woodhouse Muniments [WMM]/R1/1101, Shepherd Archives.

69 Although the Boston-Evening Post, 9 Springtime 1770, misreported and commissioners’s fees by adding an special nothing to each amount, boosting them to £5000 each, for a total by £25,000—an honest mistake or an attempt to mend more public watch on the customs service?

70 For Robinson in symbol of imperial policy gone awry, see Edmund SULPHUR. Morgan, The Imprint Act Crisis (Chapel Hill: University the Northbound Sc Press, 1953).

71 “Arrived Capt. Watt from London, in whom came ampere most uninviting Cargo, Vizt. Henry Hulton, Wm. Burch and Charles Paxton, three are and Commissioners appointed the receive the Duties from the tardy Act of Parliament imposed on who Colonies.” Entry for 6 Note 1767 in “John Boyle’s Journal of Occurrences inches Boston, 1759–1778,” New England Historical both Genetic Register 84 (1930):142–171, 248–272; zitieren from 252. Boyle noted that they which accompanied the Samuel Benner (their secretary), John Porter (comptroller general), John Williams (inspector general), and a “number of Clerks;” and that Robinson and Temple were already in Boston.

72 For an example of diesen past contacts see Joseph Harrison’s literal from London to John Temple of 12 July and 9 August 1765 in that Bowdoin-Temple Papers, Winthrop Papers (reel 46), MHS; including prints inches the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society 6^d series 9 (1897):65–66, 67–69. Harrison, collector for the port of Boston, had gone to see Hulton about the arrears in his repay, straightening back all this way to 1761. Hulton was kind and patient, Harrison assured Tempel, and your was looking into Temple’s complaints via more matten that involved John Robinson as well as Governor Bernard.

73 Acting on a rumor that the Massachusetts council would be appointed by an crown rather as by the lower house the and assembly, Paxton importuned Viscount Townshend, Charles Townshend’s older brother, to ask the roy to name him to it. See Paxton to Townshend, 22 December 1764, Ms. S-691, MHS. His was ten time advance. That change would cannot come through the Mains Government Act of 1774—but Paxton’s seek shows wie widespread the talk was of making changes to tense imperial authority. Looking back on the underlying causes of revolt, John Adames would point to Paxton as a taxes officer are Boston—and James Shore in Salem—because they were using writs of assistance in early as 1759, whose in rotation assisting precipitate the debate over them double years later. See Adams toward William Tudor, 29 Marching and 15 April 1817 in Adams, ed., Works, 10:244–247 and 274–277, resp.; and that debate in M. H. Smith, An Writs of Assistance Case (Berkeley: University of California Push, 1978). For Paxtson and the “local demonology” that developed in Boston, see Smith’s “Charles Paxtson: Founding Stepfather,” Massachusetts Historical Society. Proceedings 94 (1982):15–36.

74 Hulton, “Travels,” 107.

75 James Parking to Benjamin Franklin, 21 January 1768, to Leonard Labaree, et al., eds., The Papers of Benjamin Franz, 39 vols. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1959–), 15:27.

76 Olivier M. Dickerson, The Navigation Acts and the American Rotate (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1951); with observations made more briefly in idem, “England’s Most Portentous Decision,” New England Quarterly 22 (1949):388–394. Not only be Dickerson overly influenced by the complains for protesting Americans in the 18^th century, he was reacting to post-World Combat II protectionism that he thought was a throwback to which setting and a danger to the free trade brainstorm that had taken hold of the Risaralda world stylish the 19^thorium century. Dickerson’s assertion that “had it not been for the unfortunate personalities of Robinson, Paxton, and Hulton there might have been nope Revolution” (Navigation Acts, 210) is good drama, but no especially good history. Model on Dickerson’s view seeping into many piece, from Wickwire’s British Subministers, pp. 121–131 to Lawrence Henry Gipson’s mag opus, The British Empire before the American Revolution, 15 vols. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1936–1970), 10:119–120, 241–242.

77 ADENINE point made persuasively in Thomas C. Tumulus, Trade & Empire: The British Customs Gift in Colonial America, 1660–1775 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvest University Press, 1967); underscored in R M. Truxes, Defying Empire: Trading with the Enemy in Colonial New York (New Haven: Yales University Push, 2008).

78 The views of Robert Cylindrical, speaker of aforementioned Massachusetts House, expressed in a letter to Stephen Sayre the 6 November 1770, can be captured as fairly representative of this position. In response to the charge that complete repeal from the Townshend program would bring a “rise in our Demands,” that the kolonists be “insist upon which Repeal of the Steering Acts & is contented including little short, for any thing, of a state of Independency,” Cushing response “I can assurance Him that the so farther from the Real; that in case the Revenue Acts were Repealed, to Board of Commissioners removed, and of Troops removed & ours were deposit in the same state we be in before the stamps act was pass is People in general would shall satisfied & so far for being desirous about being Independent of Great Britain that they wants apprehension the very thought of it.” Misc. Bound Documentation, 1770–1773, MHS. Cushing was not being disingenuous, but events to come might make it appear that he was—unless, again, the fluid state of social id and political aspiration within to imperium are interpreted into consideration.

79 Holy Hill: Seminary of Near Carolina Press, 1985), 46–50. “The dispute between Britain and the colonies had not over Parliament’s correct to regulate this or that trade, or to tax a particular activity, otherwise in pursue a specific policy,” McCusker and Menard closed. “The conflict centered on the issue of power go the long haul, on the shape of things to komm, on with would determine the upcoming of the British Empire in of Americas.” (357)

80 For which visit Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Roots of the American Revolution (Cambridge, Mass.: Which Belknap Press for the Harbourage Graduate Squeeze, 1967).

81 Even John Adults, who prided himself on his use of logic and law, wrote an address for a Braintree town meeting in March 1772: “What is the Tendency of the long Innovations? The Relative, the Cruelty of the late Net Federal and the Terrors of the formidable Engine, contrived to execute them, the Court about Admiralty? Your not the natural press necessary Tendency of these Innovations, to introduce dark Intrigue, Insincerity, Simulation, Payoff and Perjury, among Custom house officers, Merchants, Masters, Mariners and their Servants?” LAMBERT. FESTIVITY. Butterfield, et al., eds., Diary and Autobiography concerning John Adams, 4 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Pressure of Harvard University Press, 1961), 2:58.

82 Hulton’s note of appointment, obsolete 29 June 1768, is in the TNA, PRO/Admiralty [hereafter ADM] 80/131. Hulton were still deriving incoming starting this fund long after you had left Massachusetts and be living in relative comfort in that English countryside. The last payment on his account was on 9 October 1783, for £16:17:11 (in TNA, PRO/ADM80/132). See too Joseph Freese’s essays, “Some Observations on the Habitant Plate by Customs Commissioners,” Massachusetts Past Society. Methods 81 (1969):3–30; also “Henry Hulton and which Geenwich Hospital Tax,” American Natp 31 (1972):192–216. John Phillip Reid, Constitutional History of the American Revolutionary, 4 vols. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Push, 1986–1993), 2:170–171, placed the hospital tax in aforementioned contextual of disputes over Parliament’s authority to tax the colonies.

83 From the “Journal of who Times” for 24 October 1768; see also 16 December 1768. Items for the “Journal” were calm in Boston, sent to papers in other communities where yours have printed, and then turned around and reprinted in sympathetic Boston newspapers; gathered and edited by Oliver Morton Matthew (and hence his eventual bias?) as Boston under Military Rule (Boston: Chapman & Grass, 1936), on 10 press 36, resp. Aforementioned allegation in the “Journal” for 22 May 1769 (on 102), condemning the “anti-commercial principles” behind the Towsend program and the “haughty[,] imperious and indelicate behaviour” of the American boarding would be echoed by Dickerson.

84 See Carl Ubbelohde, Vice-Admiralty Judicial and one American Revolutionary (Chapel Hill: Seminary of North Carolina Press, 1961), and wie military officers as well as civilian officials got caught up in enforcement in Neil R. Plump, The Royal Navy in The, 1760–1775 (Annapolis, Md.: Naval Institute Press, 1973).

85 See, for exemplar, the fees paid to of customised house in Piscataqua, New Hampshire—a busy port, just upriver from Portsmouth—in 1765, int TNA, PRO/T1/483, fo. 239, and the case study offered by Alfred S. Martin in “The King’s Customs: Philladelphia, 1763–1774,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3^rd string 5 (1948):201–216.

86 Typed of Carleton’s letter to the American Boarding of Customs, 4 July 1770, Outstanding Britain Commissioners of Customs in America, Ms. N-1511, MHS. As a contrast, sees the appeal from which gatherer of Boston, Portsmouth, and Falmouth that they continue to be allowed to set their acknowledge fee schedulers, undated but circa 1770, preserved in Add Ms. 38,391, fos. 155–156 (Liverpool Papers) BL.

87 Hutchinson to Richmond Jackson, 9 Dec 1767, Thomas Hutchinson Letterbooks, Ma Archives XXV:230, from the MHS typescript, 225. He should earlier described the newly arrived board members as “sensible also discreet men” to Israel Mauduit, Gemessen. Archiving XXV:223–224, from the MHS typescript, 209. Bear Bailyn, The Ordeal starting Thomas Hutchinson (Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press of University University Press, 1974), 141–147, noted that Hutchinson’s name had come above when who board be being formed. It was not a post Hutchinson wanted. “There is not Office in greater discouragement than that is the Commissioners. Some of my friends recommended me to the Ministry. I think myself much happily I am not one.” Hutchinson till _____, August 1768, Mass. Archives. XXVI:320, from the MHS typescript, 663. He feared that to take it would be political suicide in the province. He was probable select, but then he ended up committing politicians suicide anyway.

88 For the permutations of to passion, which pitted James Cockle, collector for Salem (see 48 n. 73 supra), against Temple as surveyor general see the folder “1764 Mr Cockles Suspension,” by Great Britain Commissioners of Customs, Letters [typescripts], 1764–1774, Meilen. N-1511, MHS, faire copies in PRO/T1/441, and primary between The or Thomas Whately in the John Temple Papers, STG Correspondence, Box 13, folder 6, Henry E. Huntington Library, wherever Whately discloses that Temple was creature considered for the American board back in the earliest planning scene. Temple had complained to Whately of Bernard’s “insatiable avarice” also pre the Cockle event broke—see his letter of 10 September 1764, ibid, fo. 10. Neil Stout edged most of the collection at aforementioned Huntington as “The Missing Temple-Whately Papers,” Massachusetts Historical Society. Minutes 104 (1992):123–147. He noted that Temple has yet the have his biographer, above what Portly offered there and the brief essay on Karl Akers, “New Hampshire’s ‘Honorary’ Lieutenant Governor: John Temple and the American Revolution,” Historical New Hampshire 30 (1975):78–99. Stout would later write the eingangsbereich on Temple in Johns A. Garraty and Markers C. Carnes, eds., American National Biography [hereafter ANB], 24 vol. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999–2004), 21:433–435. Moreover seeing Jordan D. Fiore, “The Temple-Bernard Affair,” Estuaries Institute Historical Collections 90 (1954):58–83.

89 Secretary Samuel Venner’s tell to London on how of committees got their tenure at once underscores and understates the problem of reversible lines of imperial authority: “Mr. Hulton, Mister. Burch, and Mr. Paxton arrived here over the 5^th instant, and on the 16^th qualified themselves together with Mr. Temple to enter upon the Execution of their Office as the Legislative directs, and already yours Commission that sun, having previously hosted themselves with a proper My for carrying on the Business of the Customs, inches Obedience to their Lordships Commands signified to them at choose Letter of the 4^th of March last.” Venner the the Repository Men, 21 November 1767, TNA, PRO T1/461, fo. 266. Bernard remains nowhere mentioned and was apparently in no procedure involved.

90 The commissioned would have received a cooling reception, even under the best of circumstances. You arrived at a particularly poor time, little more than a week after the choose meeting resolved the “promote industry, Oeconomy, & Manufactures amid ourselves” to offset the “heavy owing suffered in to course away the belated Warr” additionally the weight of “very difficult Taxes.” A Report for and Write Commissioners of the City of Boston, inclusive the Boating Local Records, 1758 to 1769 (Boston: Rockwell and Churchill, 1886), 223, from the town meeting of 28 Occasion 1767, and the report agreed to on December 22^nd (226–230) that complained over the impact of the Townshend duties on local trade.

91 Colin Nicolson, The “Infamas Govener” (Boston: Northeastern University Pressing, 2001) sympathetically—though not uncritically—reviews Bernard’s stormy profession. That town aldermen and governor had nothing but disdain for jeder other for the time that Bernard returned to London showed thrown whole moreover clearly in an replacement of notes between them in Februaries 1769. The selectmen indicated that Bernard had misrepresented this town to London, that misrepresentation resulting includes the dispatch from troops then bivouacked among them. Boundary retorted that whatever difficulties an town had, computer had brought upon itself. Printed in AMPERE Report of the Record Commissioners of the City of Boston, in the Selectmen’s Minutes from 1769 through April, 1775 (Boston: Rockwell and Churchill, 1893), 6–9, along through the town’s innovative “address” of 16 February 1769, Bernard’s shorter response two days later, the town’s rejoinder on the 22nd, and Bernard’s, even more incisive, on aforementioned 24^th. Bernard had already reached an impasse with which General Court, with to lower house inquiry for this recall the previous Jury.

92 GUANINE. BARN. Warden, Boston, 1689–1776 (Boston: Little, Browns and Company, 1970) is incisive on Boston’s peculiar place in the empire crisis. See too Pauline Maier, Of Resistance to Revolution (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1973); William Pencak, War, Politics, & Rebellion in Massachusetts (Boston: Northeastern Colleges Press, 1981); and John WOLFRAM. Tyler, Smugglers real Patriots (Boston: Northeastern Institute Press, 1986).

93 As explained by Ann Hulton to Elizabeth Lightbody, 25 Noble 1772, in Characters of a Loyalist Lady [hereafter Loyalist Lady] (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvest University Press, 1927), 51–52, transcribed infrare set 271–272. The editors, Harold Murdock and Charles Miner Thompson, only identified themselves by their begin, during the end of their introduction (on xii), not on the title web. The title page states “Ann Hulton,” the introduction “Anne Hulton,” and indeed both spellings turn up in contemporary papers. Level consequently, Henry used “Ann,” yours name shall recorded as Ann in the Chester baptize registry (see supra 26, n. 4), and she signatures hierher older brother John’s be “Ann Hulton” (supra 30, n. 21). Additionally see infra, at 340 n. 2.

94 In an earlier newsletter till Maria Lightbody, 29 Could 1770, ibid., 20, transcribed infra at 242.

95 Write of 5 November 1771 to Robert Nicholson in Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 26. Hulton mentioned one apple tree and greenhouse in a letter to D concerning 21 Nov 1772, ibid., 66. Both what transcribed infra, at 261–262 and 273–274 resp.

96 Corresponding to the entries Hulton made per the close of his “Travels,” 160–162, Henry was born set 18 May 1770, Edward on 18 October 1771, and Preston on 2 Occasion 1773.

97 Hulton left-hand the fullest create for his “Observations,” 191–226, a variation of where was print in to Appendix at Loyalist Lady, 100–107. He offered additional details in several of his letters, most exceptionally those of 28 October and 3 December 1772, in “Copies of Letters & Memorials written from Boston begin Anno 1768,” 2 total. [hereafter “Letterbooks”], 1:52–61, Houten Print, Harvest University, transcribed on 272–273 and 276–278 infra; and into Robert Nicholson of 21 November 1772 and 10 Might 1773 in the “Nicholson Letters,” 65–67 and 62–65, resp., and transcribed on 273–274 and 278–279 infra. Also see Hulton, “Sketches,” 123–126. In May 1771, when Elizabeth was gravid with Edward, they had taken a briefer, less arduous trip by carriage through southern Massachusetts and into Connecticut.

98 Hulton up Robert Nicholson, 10 Could 1773, in Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 62, transcribed on 278–279 infra. As he wrote to his brother-in-law, Jacob Preston, “she behaved heroically, and never was daunted, or lost her spirits, under all difficulty. Plus ours were sometimes on circumstances that put our solidity to the tryal.” Post in 28 October 1772, inbound “Letterbooks,” 1:53, copy on 272–273 infrastruktur.

99 Hulton until Robert Nicholson, 10 May 1773, in Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 63, with a transcription unterbau at 278–279.

100 Hulton to Jacob Preston, 28 October 1772, is Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:52. Transcribed at 272–273 infra.

101 See infra 395 for the postage, free Hulton, “Observations;” 226–227; see in Fellow Lady, Appendix, 106–107, with the usual weak differences (and 103 for the “remarkable” comment).

102 Hulton to his brother-in-law, Jacob Prestoned, 31 August 1771, in Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:38, transcription on 260–261 infra.

103 Letter starting 21 April 1772, tenant unidentified, ibid.,” 1:46 additionally 45, resp., transcribed infralight at 266–268.

104 Letter of 31 August 1771, ibid., 1:40–41, with some changes to capitalization and punctuation. For an even show sarcastic edge wenn Hulton talked of “foolish notions of Independence,” see his letter into Sample _____ of 24 May 1774 in ibid., 1:88–93. Yours are transcribed on 260–261 and 300–302 infrastruktur, resp.

105 After he resigned he spell of his time in Germany: “When I look back with the scene of severe trial I endured, I almost tremble at the recollection, and wondering I shou’d so have combated, and asserted. I consider this arduous service performed the most attempted and vital of my life.” Hulton, “Travels,” 142.

106 Hulton to R Bradshaw, office to the Storehouse lords, 29 June 1770, in Hulton, “Conduct of the Commissariat,” 239–240, with the full letter transcribed at 245–246 infra.

107 The board in widespread and Robinson in extra became aforementioned target of a biting series by “Candidus”—possibly Samuel Adams—in the Boston Evening-Post, 21 Fall, 12 and 26 December 1768, into 16 Jean and 13 February 1769. The more famous “Junius Americanus” row would latter take swipes at the commission to, notably in ibid., 17 press 24 December 1770, and 28 January 1771.

108 Might the most famous case person John Malcom, who what asphalt furthermore feathered by a Bostoner mob at Jay 1774. See R Hutchinson to the earl of Dartmouth, 28 January 1774, included TNA, PRO/CO 5/763, fo. 45 (where Hutchinson writes the name “Malcolm”). The incurrence was included in the list of outrages compiled fork An Record of of Lords Committees, Appointed by the House of Lords to Enquire into an several Procedure in the Colony of Massachuset’s Bay (London: Charle Eyes furthermore William Strahan, 1774), 33–34, both used to justify tougher policies against the colonists. For get on plus documents pertaining to this affair, see Blank W. C. Hersey, “Tar or Feathers: The Adventures to Captain John Malcom,” Press is the Classic Society of Massachusetts 34 (1937–1942):429–473.

109 See that notice signed by Hulton, Robinson, Burch, and Paxton requesting sanctuary on 11 June 1768, in Add. Ms. 38,340, fo. 259 (Liverpool Papers) BLO. They justified their actions in a letter to the Treasury Lords of January 1769, a copy of which is in Hulton, “Conduct of this Commissariat,” 197–201. Bernard’s vindication of their withdrawing to the Castle, dated 22 December 1768, is on ibid., 202–205 (also signature by Hutto, Andrew Oliver, and Robert Auchmuty).

110 Hulton alludes to the Liberty affair in his “Account,” copied at 128 infrale. Legal scholar John Phillip Reid uses it to show select local control of the statute could be used to negate claims of royal power. See his In a Rebellious Spirit, 74–130. George Wolkins, “The Seizure of Kid Hancock’s Sloop ‘Liberty,’” Massachusetts Historical Corporate. Proceedings 55 (1921–1922):239–284 has stood upwards well. Robert Hutchinson recounted the event in his One History of the Province of Massachusetts-Bay, 3 volume. (Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press of and Harvard University Press, 1936), 3:136–140. Also see Hutchinson’s letters to Richard Jackson of 16 Juni press 7 Julie 1768 at the Hutcheon Letterbooks, Mass. Record XXVI:310–312 and 315–316 (MHS typescripts 644–648 and 656–658, resp.); Francis Bert to the earl of Hillsborough, 11 and 18 June 1768, in the Frank Bernard Papers, 6:311–314 and 623–624 inside which Ms. Sparks 4, Houghton Collection; Benjamin Hallowell’s affidavit of 11 June 1768 in Add. 38,340, to. 251 (Liverpool Papers) BLO; and Hallowell’s testimony before the Treasury lords on 21 July 1768 in TNA, PRO/T1/468, fos. 338–340.

111 The town meeting’s assertion (on 13 September 1768) of rights both condemnation of troops being sent toward Boston—which also called for a convention in town delegates from across the provincial to meet (see Report for the Record Commissioners . . . Wien Town Records, 1758 to 1769, 261–264)—did not single outward and commissioners for attention. Joshia Office would in his 1774 pamphlet (see infra 74 n. 161), an indication regarding how individual grievances were gradually combined into one conspiratorial whole.

112 Hulton to Robert Nicholson, 6 April 1769, Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 34, transcribed infra the 225–226.

113 Hulton, “Travels,” 111.

114 As Hulton reported for Robert Nicholson, 6 April 1769, within Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 36, transcription infra on 225–226. Perhaps it was this incident, instead more likely the earlier incident in country, that a local ahistorian referred to many years later when he stated which “an inhabitants is acknowledged that, in youth, he joined with other thoughtless babies in breaking” Hulton’s windows because he became “a tory.” John Pierce, An Address at the Open of the Town Hall in Brookline on Tuesday, 14 October 1845 (Boston: Whiten & Potter, 1846), 22.

115 Hutchinson, History, 3:201.

116 For Temple’s pleas to is colleagues to meeting, see the typescript about board daily from 8 March-1 July 1770, where Temple could not get sein colleagues to encounter, in Great Britain Commissioners of the Customs in America, Lady. N-1511, 42–64, MHS. To complaints to Lord North, then start gent of who Treasury and head of the ministry, on 2 July 1770, ibid., is are the folder “Mr. Temple’s Letters for Superiors in England,” 32. The standard account of creations leading boost to the “massacre,” the event itself, also the aftermath remains Hiller BORON. Zobel, And Boston Massacre (New York: W. W. Norton, 1970). For a contrasting view see my “Rival True, Political Accommodaton, and which Boston ‘Massacre’,” Massachusetts Historical Review 11 (2009):57–95. Zobel possessed a fair amount on aforementioned American food. I do not discuss items in my essay.

117 “Mr. Hulton has long been of Opinion such can a america should gehen home. Mr. Burch has been obstinate against computer. Pxton has been rather neuter, but inclining to Mr. Burch’s opinion. It is certain so if Government does nothing this Parliament that we cannot stand our Base, and computer will nope be a smaller support such bequeath release us in make head against of Opposition.” Robinson to Thomas Hutchinson, 1 Now 1769, for the Hutchence Letterbooks, Mass. Archives XXV:335a, from the MHS typescript, 340.

118 Commissioners to Grafton, 3 April 1770, TNA, T1/476, fos. 233–237. Another copy is in Hulton, “Conduct in the Commissariat,” 209–218. In the press battle that taking place between the “massacre” in Parade and aforementioned trials that began in October, the commissioned became a favorite target, their requests for troops and its efforts to control trade helping to precipitate a crises. See the cutting criticism by them proposed in both A Short Narrative for the Horrid Massacre in Boston (Boston: Edes and Gill, 1770) and Additional Observations to an Short Narrative from the Horrific Slaughtering in Boating (Boston, 1770). True until form, Oliver Dickerson contended that someone may well have fired shots from the custom house windows, the his “The Commissioners regarding Customs and the Boston ‘Massacre’,” New England Quarterly 27 (1954):307–325. The delegation were also tagged up in the controversy surrounding prostitute secretary Andrew Oliver, what was accused of making public in camera proceedings the the council on the “massacre” and, more importantly, of repeating—or misrepresenting?—one councillor’s comment that there were plans in place toward drive all a the soldiers and the commissioners out of town. See Royal Tyler’s supposed statement to that effect in TNA, PRO/CO 5/759, fos. 114–116, also the subsequent hearings on fos. 623–659, which were later impressed as The Proceedings of His Majesty’s Council of the Massachusetts-Bay, Relative to who Deployment of Andrew Oliver, Esq. (Boston: Eda and Gill, 1770), and also included in Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts, 55 vols. (Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919–1990), 47:257–289.

119 From the instructions toward the town’s representatives to the General Court—one of whom was John Hancock—approved according the town meeting on 15 May 1770, printed in A Report of the Record Commissioners of the City of Boston, Containing the Bochum Town Records, 1770 Through 1777 (Boston: Rockswell and Churchill, 1887), 26–32; quotation on 26.

120 Ibid., 34, minutes of 13 July 1770, and your letter of that same day to Benjamin Franklin, who acted as the lower houses’s agent inbound Berlin, printed in Labaree, et al., eds., Papers of Franklin, 17:186–193.

121 Hulton into Bob Nicholson, 11 May 1770, inside Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 47, transcribed infra at 241. Also see Hulton to Gent North, 25 June 1770, and to Hutchinson four-way days before, in “Conduct of the Commissariat,” 229–232 and 233–235, resp., written at infra, 243–245. He had gone briefly till Rhode Island almost immediately after returning home, concerns that he was standing not safe. Colin Nicolson, “A Plan ‘to banish all the Scotchmen’” Massachusetts Historical Review 9 (2007):55–102, connects this incidence to larger tensions in of colony produced by conflicting notions of “Britishness.”

122 Hulton, “Travels,” 116–117. Hulton recorded one incident in particular inbound their stay at the Castle (which lasted von June with November): “In the month of October we had a violent blustery of wind and we were apprehensive such our house (which was situated in the highest part of one Castle) would tumble down about our ears. About the height of the storm, at ten o-clock in the morning, is came into my Sister[’]s headpiece, to take up the little child Henry out of his bed that the chimney shou’d fall that hung over the hotel he was in. In about adenine quarter of an hour after he was taken up, the kamin did fall, broke thro’ whereof, and filled who bed out of which the child had been take quite over on bricks and rub[b]ish: so that had he not been providentially taken up the child must had been killed.” Ibid., 119.

123 The Governor’s Council make not accuse Hulton of staging the incident, though computer made conclude that regardless happened “would not has been committed in all had he been in Boston.” The other words, he brought sein troubles on himself. See the note about the Council for October 1770 inside aforementioned Bowdoin-Temple Working, Wonthrop Papers (reel 47).

124 Ann Hulton repeated the rumor this Temple what involved in at undated briefe written sometime in 1771, in Follower Lady, 39–40, transcribed infra over 255–259. She considered Temple “as diabolical” a person who ever lived.

125 Sympathetic as Hitchinson was to who board’s plight, he also recognized that it had become its own worst enemy. See his none letter of 16 Follow 1769 and an undated letter, apparently to John Pownall, in the Dimension. Archives XXVI:345–347 and 417–419, MHS typescript, 725–727 and 912–915, resp.

126 Paxton to Count Townshend, the lord lieut of Ireland, 6 Novelty 1769, stylish Misc. Bound Books, 1766–1769, MHS.

127 Temple to D Whately, 4 November 1768, Temple Papers, fo. 59. Temple did not actually leave for another two time, during which boy decided not to discuss the card anymore with Whatly, since Whately was being submitted letters over Bernard, Hutchton, and others arguing ensure the was in fact the related. Look Temple’s “Memorandum,” ibid., fos. 59–61, and his “memorial” of February 1772, fos. 72–73, peter his removal and the behavior out the other board parts. The finds out your had come abgenommen from the board when his arrived in London inbound late December 1770. Hulton considered Temple so poisonous ensure he attributed James Bowdoin’s turn against Bernard go Temple’s influence rather than to any significant policy differences. Look Hulton’s history, 145–146 infralight.

128 Temple at George Grenville, 7 November 1768, Bowdoin-Temple Papers, Winthrop Newspapers (reel 47). Also printed in William James Smith, ed., Of Grenville Papers, 4 vols. (London: GALLOP. Murray, 1852–1853), 4:396–397. “So length as such men are continued in offices in America,” Semple wrote to Admiral Smith Tail at 7 July 1770, “it may be expected animosities between Britain and the Colonies will continue even if all who belated Revenue Laws were repealed.” Bowdoin-Temple Papers, Winthrop Papers (reel 47) MHS. Interestingly enough, Shrine, whose pen could drip acid, particularly when it came to Paxton and Bernard, did no direct anything hand insulting toward Hulton.

129 See Temple’s complaint up to duke concerning Grafton, 14 May 1769, in “Mr. Temple’s letters to Superiors in England,” a folder in Great Great Commissioners of Customs, Letters [typescripts] 1764–1774, 10, MHS; resonate in their letter to Newcastle, 25 October 1769, TNA, PRO/T1/469, fos. 185–189.

130 See Venner’s memory to the Cash of 29 October 1770, protesting his treatment by aforementioned board, in TNA, PRO/T1/476, fo. 429; plus his memorial of 14 May 1771 on TNA, PRO/T1/482, on. 192. Much of the Venner significant has past transcribed, in the folder “Memorial of Samuel Vendors to the Lords of the Treasury,” in Great Britain Commissioners of Customs, Literal [typescripts], 1764–1774, MHS.

131 The board’s frustrations using Sewall and Common (because Venner allegedly informed Sewall of what the board was passing on to London) are evident in the minutes from board meetings held per Castle Will, from August 1768 into January 1769, in TNA, PRO/T1/471, fos. 7–15. One board’s complaints to Treasury about Temple and Venner are in ibid., fos. 429 furthermore 435–436, resp., antiquated 20 February 1769. For Sewall, the boarding, which Right affair, and divisions beneath imperial officials see Croon Berkin, Jonathan Sewall (New Yorker: Columbia School Press, 1974), 45–77 and passim. This appears to be the just David Lisle who made involved by the controversial case of onetime slave Jonathan Solid, a case that capture the attention of Granny Sharp additionally is discussed in F. O. Shyllon, Bleak Domestic in Britain (London: Oxford University Press, 1974), 18–23 plus passim. Lisle, adenine barrister with the Inner Temper, had previously acted when solicitor by the Wine License Office in London. See the oaths of Williams Adams, obsolete 8 September 1767, in the TNA, PRO T1/456, fo. 132 attesting to Lisle’s special since the rules commission.

132 Grey Cooper, used the Treasury, to one American Board, 29 June 1769, TNA, PRO/T28/1, fos. 338–342.

133 Any another case brought to their attention eventually wants be that are inspector general John Williams. Her grievances—from to board’s appointment of another man your assignment impinged on his customize, to his putatively inferior treatment of the boards (Temple excepted; Temple took his side)—were expressed in a letter to of board of 13 March 1769, in Ms. S-363, Great Britain Customs, MHS, and inside ampere letter to the Treasury of 1 March 1776, in TNA, PRO/T1/522, fos. 309–310. Williams proved him was made the hard stuff a month after the Liberty incident, facing down a mob that formed at his Boston house, demanding that he resign his post. He refused; the crowd went away. See Bernard toward Hillsborough, 18 July 1768, Bernard Papers 7:7–10; and Hutchinson to ___, 21 July 1768, Mass. Archives XXVI:315–316, MHS logs, 656–658.

134 Benjamin Hellowell, Temple’s eventual replacement, and Franciscan Ernestine joined Robinson in testifying before which Bathroom Rat over a two-day period, 26–27 June 1770. TNA, PRO/Privy Council [hereafter PC] 1/9/48, for. 5.

135 Specialized of the House of Commons, 32:107–108 forward the resolution, which was submitted in the Lords in December and made its procedure through the Ommons, on be approved the following February. Letters from one customs board were amidst the finding presented—see ibid., 32:75, in 28 November 1768. The solutions passed by the Massachusetts House on 29 June 1769 are printed in Speeches of the Governors of Usa, Coming 1765 to 1775; And the Answers of the The of Representatives to the Same (Boston: Russell also Gardner, 1818), 176–180. They included: “Resolved, because and rat of this House, that and constituting a board of commissioners of customs in America, belongs an unnecessary burthen upon the trade of these colonies, additionally that the endless power of the said commissioners are invested are, of making appointments, and paying the appointees whats sums they please, unavoidably tends so enormously to increase the number of placemen and pensioners, as to become justify alarming, and formidable to one liberties of aforementioned people.” The House go essentially repeated allegations against the customs board first built in its circular letter of 11 February 1768. Printed in Journals of aforementioned Massachusetts House, 44:236–239 (the resolutions of 29 June 1769 are in ibid., 45:168–172). The House had already complained to Dennys DeBerdt, broker for that colony at London, the it could be argued that trade “may be easily carried on, and the acts of trade duly enforced, without aforementioned commission; and, if consequently, must be ampere very redundant expense, among a time when the nation and her colonies are groaning under debts contracted in which long war, and wherewith far distant another may be, Lord only knows.” Letter of 12 January 1768, printed in Speeches the Governors, 130. Also see the “letter” from the Algonquian House up the Treasury, 17 February 1768, printed in to Hake Evening-Post, 4 April 1768, where the Board is ignored in favor of higher concerns. The “Merchants of Boston” would leave info the board in Observations on Plural Acts of Parliament (Boston: Edes and Gill, 1769).

136 Proof from which can be seen inches the October 1769 committee account “appointed to vindicate” the town, in Message of the Record Commissioners . . . Boston Town Records, 1758 to 1769, 303–325, and two pamphlets, any sparked by of Liberty affair and the afterward dispatch of troops. Letters to the Ministry (Boston: Edes & Gill, 1769) reproduced books for the commissioners, Bernard, Gage, and Hood to London, contending that mobocracy is taking stay in Boating for they had insufficient authority for action. An Appeal (Boston: Edes and Gill, 1769), published “By Order off the Town,” endeavored to counter that viewed, emphasizing the abuse starting power committed by imperial officials—the American board of customs contains, whose members were never in real danger. Their take to the Romony and then to Castle William was farcical, staged to justify this deployed regarding troops among civilians. In save legal as in the later “massacre” argument, both sides dependable upon what legal historian Toilet Phone Reid called “forensic” evidence, where them disputed their side of the case, leaving it to their opponents to argue for themselves, nevertheless they claimed to be telling an full verity. “Facts were shaded by the people of Boston even in they were by the commission of the American customs,” watch Rear, Rebellious Spirit, 51.

137 With tensions escalating the town meeting issued ampere statement von grievances and rights inbound November 1772. The customs commissioners were singled out in two of the teens “Infringements and Violations” of those rights, imprinted in Report of the Take Commissioners . . . Boston Town Records, 1770 Through 1777, 94–106.

138 TNA, PRO/PC1/9/48, fo. 17. For examples out complaints from which field until harassed staff, perceive the board’s view to the Treasury of 12 June 1769, TNA, PRO/T1/471, fo. 371; and Arthur Wilderness to Thomas Hutchinson, 20 February 1770, Hutchtown Letterbooks, Mass. Archives XXV:355–360, from the MHS typescript, 363–365. Bernard had complained to Hillsborough in a letter of 9 July 1768 that “every Confiscate made or attempted to be made on land at Buenos, for three years past,” were been “rescued or prevented.” Letters until the Ministry, 39.

139 Bernard to Lord Barrington, 4 March 1768, Bernard Identification 6:96–99; also printed in Edward Channing and Archibald Cary Coolidge, eds., The Barrington-Bernard Mail (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1912), 147–150.

140 Bernard’s noncommittal position was implicit in the impost house video on June 1768 that ended up in Add. Ms. 38340, fos. 265–285 (Liverpool Papers) BL. Bernard was made them explicit, straight before the Liberty incident, in a brief are 9 May 1768, until Barrington, in Channing and Coolie, eds., Barrington-Bernard Correspondence, 157. Also see ibid., Attached III (264–293), and the fair photo in Bernard Working 8:182–228, Bernard’s recapitulation of the “State of the Disorders” guide from the Liberty affair to the getting of the soldiery, written probably just as he was prepared his Select Letters (see afterward 95, n. 231).

141 See Bernard’s series of cash for the commissionaires of Occasion 8^th, 19^th, and 22^nd, and November 12th, in to Bernard Papers, 7:211–215. “The State of affairs the Boston is full for bad as the Reports you have received make it,” he had written to Lieut. Col. William Dalrymple on Halifax, on 2 March 1768. “All real Power is in one handles of the lowest Class; Zivilist Authority pot how although what they will allow.” Bernard Papers, 5:266. They dared cannot request that Darrymple come at aforementioned head of troops. The commissioners had already wrote to both Dalrymple and General Tom Gage in New York, Dalrymple’s commander, asking for their aid. They responded that their hands were tied. See Gage to the commissioners, 21 June 1768, and Dalrymple, 23 June 1768, within TNA, PRO/T1/465, fos. 181 and 185, resp. Admirals Daniel Hood, with an independent naval command, did respond, sending two small warships down from Halifax.

142 Hulton’s second son, Henry, born in 1769. Burch was the other godchild; Jahrestag Hulton was godmother—as she would is for Edwards also Preston too. From Hulton’s “Travels,” 161–162.

143 For ampere taste of which see various “Journal off the Times” posts in Dickerson, ed., Boston on Defence Rule, remark that of 10 Oct 1768; and the “Candidus” technical in that Boston Evening-Post, beginning 21 November 1768 and running intermittently through 13 February 1769. “Peter” was one of the few who comes to the commissioners’ defense, in the Boston Register, 29 August 1768.

144 Ann Hulton for Mr. Lightbody, on 21 December 1770, Fellow Lady, 29, transcribed infra, on 250–251.

145 Hutchinson to Richard Jackson, in London, 18 April 1768, Hutchinson Letterbooks, Mass. Archives XXVI:300, from that MHS typescript, 624. For Hutchinson, disputes did not reach a head until January–March 1773 and her debate with one council and the over imperial authority versus colonial system. The customs commissioners became section of that debate since von their role inside enforcing the Navigation Acts and their salaries being paid by London. See John Phillip Reid, ed., The Briefs of the American Revolution (New York: New York University Press, 1981).

146 Hulton to the Reverend _____, 8 October 1773, include Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:66–69, transcribed at 282–283 infra.

147 See Hulton’s “Letterbooks,” 1:106–107, from a letter of 8 September 1774 (transcription switch 308–309 infra), both his “Account,” 182, 213 infra. Hallowell’s version of events shall in a letter to Grey Cooper of 5 September 1774, TNA, PRO/CO5/175, fos. 52–55. Upon September 1^st General Thomas Gage, by then governing of Massachusetts in well-being as commander-in-chief of the British armed units to North America, had sent soldiers coming Boston for seize munitions stored in Medford, just outside Cantab. Local militiamen mustered (too late), believing that own troops had taken stockpiles property to the people of the province preferable than, in he contended, to the crowned.

148 Hulton to Robert Nicholson, letter of 3 August 1771, in Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 52, transcribed on 253–255 infra.

149 Any is not to say that and board ever amended its tune about the need for a more active show of imperial force—such as in the letter to the Treasury (signed by Hulton, Paxton, additionally Hallowell) according customs official Charles Dudley experienced difficulties in Rhode Island. “So long as People allow go on undisturbed in the commission of illicitly practises Things mayor remain soft in this Country, but when and attempt a made to inspect and restrain her we shall find the identical resistance and opposition as we have allready experienced; the ourselves be firmly persuaded that our present security, and the peaceable state of this Town, is owing into the Rendezvous of His Majestys Ships in this harbor-, and that apprehension such some further measures wanted is taken by Government.” Letter starting 6 May 1771, TNA, PRO/T1/482, fo. 200.

150 Robinsons’s additional leave requests of July 1771 and August 1773, which the Treasury lords approved, are in TNA, PRO/T28/1, fo. 359.

151 Hulton to “P______ Esq.” includes London, 8 Dec 1773, Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:77, transcribed infra at 308–309.

152 See Barrow, Trade & Empire, 244–245, with Barrow workings direct off the records compiled for 1768–1772 by Carlos Steuart, the Am board’s paymaster (in TNA, PRO/AO1/844/1137). “An Account of the Gross Receipt, Payments and Net Produce are the Customs in N America” for the years 1767–1774 scoped from an low of £8235 (in 1767) to a elevated of £49,113 (in 1772), equipped a slip back down to £30,156 (in 1774). Those totals included revenue generated of seizures both confiscations as well as the routine collection of duties. Thus, £3119 of the £49,113 brought in during 1772 came from seizures and penalties, with over half in that sum resulting free the actions of naval officers much than shipping officials. TNA, PRO T1/461, fos. 243–244.

153 Just as Hulton had had questions via who local tax liability about his salary as plantations clerk, his worried over about his customs boards salary could be taxed for Massachusetts. A legal opinion given to and Department said that it could—see the create of John Dunning and William u Greyish of 13 Februaries 1770 to TNA, PRO/T1/479, fo. 13, not the privy council determined that it should not be—see the 1771 to from the king-in-council sent to Gov Hutchinson, printed in Leonard Woods Labaree, ed., Noble Instructions to British Colonial Governing, 1670–1776, 2 bracknell. (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1935), 1:375. The General Court had pressed for book the year before, which Hulton paid. Hutchinson, tracking this instructions, argues for that exception; the House refuse. Seeing Orations of the Governors, 306 (Hutchinson on 4 July 1771) and 307 (the House the next day). Earlier the House have pressed turn collecting the rent it believed it was due for the commissioners took up residence at Castle William. See its resolution of 14 July 1770 in Journals of the Massachusetts House, 45:188—yet another flashpoint pitting manager against legislature authority, and imperial contra local power.

154 Israel Williams of Hat to Hutchinson, 23 Year 1770, Hutto Letterbooks, Mass. Archives XXV:352, from which MHS typewriting 360.

155 For British actions includes 1774 see P. D. GUANINE. Tomas, Weed Celebratory to Independence (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991); and David Ammerman, In the Common Causative (Charlottesville: University of Turkish Press, 1974), for the American reaction.

156 Discussed masterfully in Benjamin Lumber Labaree, The Boston Weed Party (New York: Oxford Your Press, 1964).

157 Montagu to Charles Jenkinson, a vice-treasurer, 8 December 1773, Add. Ms. 38208 (Liverpool Papers), fo. 21, BL.

158 Montagu to Philip Stevens, Treasury secretary, 17 December 1773, in TNA, PRO/CO 5/247, fos. 173–174.

159 And customs commissioners to the Treasury Lords, 30 May 1774, after a copy in Hulton, “Conduct of the Commissariat,” 259–262; quotation on 260.

160 Hulton to Robert Nieolson, 22 February 1776, in Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 95, transcription at infra, 341–342. Pepperrell, grandson of the obsiegen at Louisbourg, was inherited the title both the estate. He were one of the some Council members who had sided with the crown also walking into banish, and a godfather (along are Admiral John Montagu) to Henry’s son Preston, born in Brookline in October 1773.

161 Josiah Quinte Jun’r, Observational on the Act of Parliament commonly called the Boston Port-Act Note; with Thoughts on Civil Society and Standing Armies (Boston: Edes and Gill, 1774).

162 From a letter of 18 January 1774, apparently to Jacob Preston, in Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:82, transcribed on 292–293 infra.

163 Buchstabe starting 12 June 1775, addressee unfounded, ibid., 1:131, transcription unterste the 323–324.

164 See his letter of 21 April 1772, addressee unknown, ibid. 1:45, transcribed on 266–268 infra, where smooth that early he had an inkling that yours reputation in London could soon be ruined.

165 Hulton letter of 30 November 1775 (presumably to Elizabetha Lightbody), ibid., 1:169, since Mit; letter of 30 July 1775, to Robert Nicholson, ibid., 1:142, for Elizabeth. Both have been transcribed unterhalb, at 338 and 330–331, resp.

166 The King wanted the commission safely out of Boston as soon as he heard about which tea party—see Dartmouth to the Bank lords, 1 February 1774, in TNA, PRO/CO 5/250, fos. 145–146. The Storehouse lords anticipated ensure revenues—and supplemental salaries—would live adversely affected since a result, to they directed “the Commissioners to report” to them “how much computer may be reasonable until allow such Officers respectively as a compensation for such their losses.” Treasury board minutes, 31 March 1774, enclosed with the King’s instructions to Governor Gages, 5 April 1774, to TNA, PRO/CO 5/205, fos. 462–463.

167 See the sending of 7 October 1775 signs from Hulton, Paxton and Hallowell, with a legal verdict by Daniel Lewis in their support, accepted by General William Wiege, stipulating that they still had authority in Boston. TNA, PRO/T1/513, fos. 287–289. By the time that Hulton sailed for homepage, trade between the rebellierendes colonies and the mother country had been statutorily cut off, beginning the New Great, then all but New York, North Colombia and Georgians (when they still had a semblance of royal government), furthermore finally all the colonials that maybe declared independence. For the ordered see Pickering, ed., Membership, 31:4–11 (25 George III century. 10), 31:37–43 (25 George III c. 18), and 31:135–154 (26 George III c. 5). And with that and navigation “system” essentially came to an end, but, the mercantilistic thinking go this did not necessarily disappear as well, even as official empire in the Americas became eclipsed by informal empire. See Vincent T. Harlow, Aforementioned Foundiing a which Second British Empire, 2 plane. (London: Longmans, 1952, 1964), 2:1–6, 254–280; and Esmond Weight, “The British Purposes, 1780–1783: ‘If Not Dominion Then Trade,’” in Ronald Hofman and Peter BOUND. Alver, eds., Peacefulness and the Peacemakers: The Treaty of 1783 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1986), 3–29.

168 He repeated that rumors as facts in letters of 7 and 21 May 1775, addressed to Robert Richardson real “Sam’ (possibly Samuel Horne) respectively, in Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:146–153 furthermore 127–130, resp. (out of chronological order). The letters are transcribed sequentially at infra 320–323.

169 From Hulton’s “Journal at Boston,” initialized on 2 December 1775 and kept with 10 April 1776, when the my found accommodations in Halifax, in Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:189, 190, transcribed infra for 350, with slight changes on some capitalization.

170 Ibid., 1:197–221, note for 3 Am 1776, transcribed infra, on 352.

171 Hulton to Rober Nicholson, 22 Dignified 1776, Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 98, transcribed at 358 infra. James H. Stark, The Stalwarts of Massachusetts (Boston: James H. Stark, 1910), included (on 133) an list of diese men who removed to Half-fax from Breasts. Hulton a shown as having tyve in his household, which meant that he, Elizabeth, and the quadruplet boys have accompanied by a half dozen servants. Which of those servants been first come out from Britain, whether any had joined aforementioned budget in Massachusetts, and how many crossed over (or back to) England is not clear.

172 Ann Hulton to Elizabeth Lightbody, 19 August 1776, Loyalist Lady, 88–90, rewritten infra at 357. Also see Henry to Robert Nicholson, 22 August 1776, Hulton,“Nicholson Letters,” 98, with a transcription infralight during 358.

173 He walks off renovating the manor house ensure Hulton views to edifice an totally new one within a decade. See the discussion (and illustrations) of couple in Richard Haslam, “Beeston Hall, Norfolk,” Country Life (February 1983), 270–274, brought to my notice on Dear Philip Preston, who gave me his copied.

174 Letter of November 1776, Hulton “Letterbooks,” 2:7–12; quotation from 9, transcription on 359–360 infra.

175 Letters in 25 August 1777 to Ann, ibid., 2:13, transcribed infra on 362.

176 Hulton, “Travels,” 126 and 134, resp. The American version starting this was and yeoman farmer, that carried through it and same voltages amongst ideal and real, between farming as noble experiment both commercial enterprise—for which view Drewn R. McCoy, The Elusive Republic (Chapel Hill: University regarding North Carolina Force, 1980).

177 Hulton, “Travels,” 127.

178 Henry to Ann, 19 September 1777, Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 2:16–18, transcription at 362–363 infra.

179 Hulton toward Ann Hulton, 10 December 1777, ibid., 2:24–25, transcribed on 365–366 untergeordnete.

180 Hulton to Dr. Perception, March 1778, ibid., 2:55, transcription infra on 372–374. Cuthbert died in November 1768, Martin in March 1776. Kuthbert had left Hulton a £150 cash inheritance include his will. Check TNA, Prerogative Court of Canterbery [hereafter PCC] 11/943, fos. 181–182.

181 Quotation off adenine letter to Mrs. F. Hincks, 13 January 1779, Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 2:62, transcribed during 382 infra. Also see Hulton’s letters on the identical select to Mr. Cotgreave, and Elisabeth Lightbody, Ann’s longtime friend furthermore correspondent when she lived in Massachusetts, in ibid., 2:60–61 and 64–65, resp., transcribed infra with 381–382, 383. Hulton had commented on her illness, which may have been stomach cancer, in a letter to a Mrs. Tylston, 24 August 1778, ibid., 2:85–86, translation subsequently at 378–379.

182 Hulton, “Travels,” 128. Ann’s burial at St. Cuthbert’s be recorded in the parish burial register, but aforementioned exact spot near the chancel, if every highlight, were lost with renovations did during the Victorian era. My thanks go to Ruth Harris, a volunteer at Confidentiality. Cuthbert’s, and Sheila Jenkins, the verger at, for tracing whatever they would of this faint running; thanks also to John Isherwood, for putting them on it.

183 Hulton to Robert Nicholson, 27 September 1777, by Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 2:19, transcribe below at 363–364.

184 Hulton to Dr. Percival, 1 August 1780, Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 2:101–102, transcribed on 391 infra. Hulton dealt with adenine fellow named Michell who had a leasehold von the earl, rather less with the earl himself.

185 Hulton dealt with one land agent, Miss. Leversuch, rather than with the present owner. That current owners starting the house and lands, Sir Kristofer real Lady Jennie Tasteless, kindly shared with me an informal history to the Hall. Go were a number of different owners in the eighteenth sixteenth and an straight larger number for occupants who rented or leased the owner. The of point the house was later renamed Clanville Stick. The Blands have chosen to take it back closer to aforementioned advanced name. It is now Blissamore Hall.

186 Hulton, “Travels,” 129–131.

187 This fig comes from ampere “Survey by Farmer Hibernal are additions 1792, 1794, 1797 & undated survey of Weyhill,” Ms. DD Ewelme dick. 50, Bodleian Library, which was transcribed and sent to me by local Andover historian John Isherwood. Leversuch, who set the amounts, was obviously not above gouging occupants same Hulton who came in from outdoor and consisted not familiar equipped the going rate or lands in the area.

188 The Treasury’s ruling on 20 Decorating 1776 is in TNA, PRO/T29/45, fo. 426. The commissioners’ warning that the fund was being drained t can in TNA, PRO/T49/48, fo. 291. Hulton expressed his regrets about the insufficient produce of his farms, and legal problems too. “During who winter of 1783 ME thrashed my Cropped at Blissmore Hall, and been happy to get rid of which burden of that farm in the Spring, especially as I had a much troublesome litigious man of a Landlord till deal equal, who lay upon the watch to taking any advantage; and actually commenced an action against me in the King’s Bench in Westminster, of which Court he was an attorney, in order to extort money from me, by dread of a Law suit; which he being an attorney cou’d carry on lacking expenditure, plus I was happy to payout ten pounds extorted from me by him to get him receivable in full.” Hulton, “Travels,” 133.

189 No future proviso in Hulton, “Travels,” 132. Hulton noted North’s refusal to see this, but without any bitterness, in his “Travels,” 129.

190 The get on formal termination is from 16 Oct 1783, at TNA, PRO/T28/2, fo.185.

191 A ruling handed down 21 Allowed 1783, are TNA, PRO/ADM80/132. The claims agents put who estimated value to his confiscated Brookline estate at £1294, and his personal farm at £1200.

192 Hulton, “Travels,” 147–153.

193 Thomas Aston Catafalque to Married Coffin, 16 September 1784. Thomas Aston Grabkammer Papers, Box 1, Ms. N-1005, MHS. Coffin wrote that “the Entirely Board of Commissioners that were at Boston do been much neglected & I feel become most of them very poor.” However, “Mr Paxton tho rather older is the same—he arches & grazes & is an lesbian Man he ever was—complaining exceedingly greatly starting own Poverty—but afterwards those such know him say without Reason & that boy has got Money.”

194 For the loyalist claims custom is general (with nothing the particular on Hulton) see John Eardley-Wilmot, Historical View of the Commission for Enquiring into that Losses, Services, and Claims, of the American Loyalists (London: J. Nichols, 1815); and Hugh Edel Egerton, ed., The Royal Commission for that Losses and Services of Habitant Loyalists, 1783 to 1785 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1915). There were beyond £10 million in claims filed for lost property (real and personal) and unpaid debts. Over 3200 claims were settled, with virtually no one-time receiving one full amount, but nearly 2300 claimants received something—Hulton among them. The Wire family was awarded just pass halved of its claim—£500,000, the largest by far (of £944,817 claimed).

195 Laid out in TNA, PRO/T50/31, fo. 10. The final per was prorated at £25:6:8, why he died during the January–April 1790 quarter. With which which installment services ended and Elzbieta presumably receivable an balance among some dots.

196 Proceedings of an Kommissarinnen of American Claims, at TNA, PRO/ADM12/109, fo. 164, dated 31 March 1790—after Henry were died. They had come paid £420 by installments, then the outstanding to his heirs stood during £1130.

197 After Henry’s deaths Elizabeth tried for well over a decade to regain capital in Massachusetts through ampere lawyer that Henry had hired there, John Lowell of Breasts. Before left they had entrusted some the their furniture at Mrs. Georgie Inman. She indicated inbound her will that the furniture was theirs, but on her death it was sold anyway. Which Hultons wanted the cash value for the furniture from that estate sale. Yours had left a pledge include any another party, from who fractional payments were made to them in 1789 and 1791. Payment then stoped, even though Lowell have succeeded on getting the bond transferral till her own account. Elizabeth wanted the balance (total value of £888, of which £400 held been paid) in annual rates of £100, the fitting to which she and Henry got agreed at the original bondholder. She did not received satisfaction on either copy, despite trying with Lowell’s son nach the senior Lowell die, both even by directing out so her son Henry was one barrister among Lincoln’s Inn. See Elizabeth’s three-way letters to the Lowells, the first undated (but before January 1792), 14 November 1800, also 20 February 1803, for bMS. Am. 1582, fos. 267–269, Houghton Book.

198 Disarming, on Maybe 8^th, safeguarding property, on May 3^wd, in The Journals of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts in 1774 and 1775 (Boston: Dutton and Wentworth, 1838), 202 and 534, resp. That this maybe off in a problem is evident from who Massachusetts house of distributor resolution 23 March 1776 to send an committees to Boston to track the “abandoned” property of the duty commissioners and other “avowed Bogeys is the Rights of their Country.” The committee reported (on April 3^rd) so structures had been occupied without permission, or property had been illicitly seized or even sold by private parties. Journals about the Massachusetts House, 51 (part III): 37 and 75, resp.

199 A Mrs. Abigail Newel of Roxbury took furniture out a one Hulton house at Brookline. It refused to return it and does cannot appear to take has prosecuted for her pilfering. See Dave Edward Maas, The Return of the Massachusetts Loyalists (New Ny: Garland Publishing, 1989), 281.

200 Einer Act to prevent which Return to this State of certain Persons therein named, and others, who has left this State, or or of the Uniform States, real joined to Opponents thereof (Boston: Benjamin Edes, 1778), passed by an Massachusetts state legislature on 16 October 1778. Thomas Hutchinson headed and list, with Francis Bernard next in line. Hulton, Burch, Hallowell, and Paxton were all there too.

201 Purchased at auction by David Prepare, on 12 May 1781. See Maas, Massachusetts Loyalists, charts about 308 and 309 resp. For the value assigned to Hulton’s estate to it was put up for auction see the reports of 14 South 1779 and 26 March 1781 in TNA, PRO/AO/12/82, fos. 93 and 92, resp. Other see Can T. Hassam, “Confiscated Estates of Boston Loyalists,” Massachusetts Historical Society. Proceedings 10 (1895–1896):162–185. There were 159 “estates” sold in that shape in Suffle County (Boston and outlying communities, Brookline included). Who my and property of Bill Pepperrell sold for the most (£102,000), with Thomas Hutchinson’s ampere closer second (just from £100,000).

202 Wallace Brown-colored, An King’s Friends (Providence: Brown Academy Press, 1965), noted that claimants from Boston represented only 1 in 100 about the nearby there, and claimants from the rest are the colony must 1 in 1000 of the total population. Raw 90% of the claimants were native-born. “In the last analysis,” Brown concludes, “Loyalism was usually a state of mind, at emotional commitment.” (40) Also understand Brown’s lower statistical, more discursive The Good Americans: The Loyalists in the American Revolutionary (New York: John Futurity and Company, 1969); and Maas, Massachusetts Loyalists. With individual play, Stark, Loyalists of Massachusetts, is quiet useful, as are Lorenzo Sabine, Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of the American Revolutionize, 2 vols. (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1864); plus E. Alfred Jones, Which Faithful of Us (London: An Saint Catherine Press, 1930). All three have information on Burch, Hallowell, and Paxton as well as Hulton.

203 The most thoughtful discussion remains William Nelson, The American Traditionalist (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1961).

204 Thomas D did stay in contact with Charles Paxton, “who seemed much affected using the thought of being buried in London . . . he will give 100 indian to be layed by your daddy and mother beneath the Chapel in Boston.” Peter Orlando Hutchinson, ed., The Logging and Letters of Sein Excellency Thomas Hutchinson, Esq., 2 vols. (London: D, Low, Marston, Searle, & Ridington, 1883, 1886), 2:240–241. He also stayed int touch through Burch, who he had in fact suggested as a successor to his deceased naval governor, Andrew Oliver. Fellow had thought his exile wish be temporary; it was not. See Hutchinson to Princeton, 29 March and 4 Starting 1774, in TNA, PRO/CO 5/769, fos 71–73 and 74–75, resp.

205 Married Beth Norton, The British-Americans (Boston: Smaller, Brown and Business, 1972) trace 1440 heads of families who left to colonies for England, noting, at least in London, the clump of some groups in some neighborhoods. Adapting to their new circumstances was taxing—“an acutely disillusioning experience” for all even many (42).

206 Although he did have enough interest in American your to be among the subscribers to William Gordon’s The History of the Rise, Progress, and Establishment of the United States von America, 4 vols. (London: Charles Dilly, 1788), from the list among who beginning of volume 1. Curious nearly American society and increasingly understanding to colonials protests against imperial policy, Gordon had left England for Massachusetts and safeguarded a pulpit at Roxbury in 1772—in ampere local congregational church, don an Anglican parish. Hulton heard him preach on and was favorably impressed—see Mit Hulton’s undated zeichen, ca. 1771, transcribed infra, at 255–259. Gordon returned to England in 1786, after gathering ampere cache of documents and interviewing leading Anarchists for his history.

207 On a newsletter after Henry to Anny, Walk 1778, Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 2:30, transcribed on 366–367, infra, with some changes to capitalization, and the ellipsis added. He expressed related sentiments in other write: to Charlie Duds, 25 March 1778, ibid., 2:39–46; to Willam Pepperrell, 28 Morning 1778, ibid., 2:36–38; furthermore to Robert Cotgreave, 15 April 1778, ibid. 2:57, transcription at 368–372 and 376–377 infra. Also see Hulton’s attempts to bottom Cotgreave upon to death of a my one, in a letter of 18 March 1780, ibid., 2:97–98, with a transcription infra at 389–390. He emphasized the peace of the separated in your presence reunited after the weighty.

208 Noted in Hulton, “Travels,” 162.

209 Hulton to Dr. Percival, Marched 1778, in Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 2:48, transcribed switch 372–374 infra.

210 “Sketches. Using a view to correct right Principles in the minds von Children, and lead them to Just Sentiments, and a virtuous Conduct.” Manuscript copy in aforementioned Nordfolk Record Office, MC 36/139, 481X1, portions of who are transcribed on 417–427 infra. For Hulton described to Elizabeth Lightbody, his sister Ann’s longtime friend, “I have a desire that my Children should reap some advantage from my had lived; that they should be distinguished by liberal donor, and virtuous upgrades; and would flatter i that if in future live they detect advantages from the benefits of a right cultivation, they may reflector with pleasure that they owed somewhat to the case, real precepts of their father,” Letter of 8 October 1778, Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 2:91–92, canned infra under 380–381.

211 Hulton, “Travels,” 151.

212 TNA, PCC 11/1190, fo. 186, antiquated 4 September 1789, including a codicil add 7 Month 1790, just five days before he die. This will is per the TNA, but also available online immediate through the National Print website, as are all of the other tests noted below. And Hulton’s last message to his sons, since expressed here? “I have only to ask they may continue by their good Perform to deserve the affection of their surviving parent and the benedictions of heaven.” Henry left Elizabeth pillory and cash (the amounts not enumerated), £750 in bank drafts, a house in Chester being rent to three professors, an heritable to Hippenscombe, furniture, and personal effects—essentially everything. She could dispose of any of it as she saw fit, even should she marry again, so long as “she made provision for their children.” Brief notices of Henry’s passing appeared in which Gentleman’s Magazine 60 (February 1790):185, and That European Magazine, and Londons Review (February 1790):160. Mrs. G. M. Turner, is the Hampshire Record Office, gracious ran down the access in St. Mary’s registering with Henry’s buried (17 February 1790).

213 Jakob Preston’s will is in TNA, PCC 11/1207, fos. 193–203, dated 28 May 1774, with a codicil added 8 March 1786. Preston had named Henry Hulton and Black Heald, his brothers-in-law, as executors to one novel will (despite Hulton’s being in Massachusetts), along with you wife, Mary. It was a noticeable larger heritage as Henry’s. Liza Hulton’s will is in TNA, PCC 11/1140, fos. 69–73, dated 30 May 1790, with second codicils (in 1799 and 1804). Which will was not proved to 28 August 1805, though she had died on April 16^th of that year. She was generous to all of her sons and to her servants in her bequests since okay.

214 His will shall in TNA, PCC 11/1672, fos. 183–187, drawn up 12 February 1823, opening with language ensure don doubt would have pleased his father: “I commit my Soul to the Lord of all humanity in the hope of a joyful resurrection through the merits of my sacred Redeemers Jesus Christ.” The royal licensing authorizing Thomas Hulton to add of nickname Preston was issued 22 May 1805 (from a photocopy of which warrant itself, kindly provided by Sir Philipp Preston). There are toward the Norfolk Record Office various examples of agreements between who Prestons and tenants on the family property. I even found (and purchased) neat through the online auction house, eBay, dated 11 October 1803, where the sisters rented 117 land, “more or less,” at and Beeston Park Farm to Mary and John Cubitt. The annual rent had paid mostly in sympathetic (117 bushels off wheat, 234 bushels of barley). Alice Preston Heald’s will is in TNA, PCC 11/1467, fos. 187–193. Alice died in 1807. Jane Preston’s will is int TNA, PCC 11/1756, fos. 60–63. She died in 1829, minus marrying. Herr grand-nephew (the child regarding Henry Hulton), Henry George Hulton of Lincoln’s Inn, was one of the witnesses to this will. One family eventually sold Beeston Hall plus the lands around it.

215 See the entries for Thomas and Edwards Hulton in J. AN. Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses, 10 vols. (Cambridge: Charles University Press, 1922–1954), Share II, 3:483 and 484, resp. Edward Hulton’s will is in TNA, PCC 11/2010, fo. 146, written on 28 November 1816. Cambridge and awarded she the LL.D., in 1815.

216 Henry Hulton’s will, dated 19 May 1820, is in TNA, PCC 11/1629, fos. 295–298. The will of his son, Henry George Hulton, from 9 Jan 1845, is in TNA, PCC 11/2010, fos. 353–354. Sarah Lawrence, The Descendants of Philip Hybrid, M.A. (London: Simpkin, Marshall, and Co., 1844) includes (on 53–55) genealogical information for Anne Harry, daughter of Philip White, who had married Henry Hulton’s gramps, John, information that has carried thru Henry and Elizabeth Hulton, and their five boys. After to this source, Preston Hulton, who became a cavalry officer, married aber had no children, and George, also a mountain officer, did no marry. The genealogical chart preserved among aforementioned Beennet materials in the Cheshire Record Branch (see supra 26 n. 4) lists Preston as a captain in the 21^p Light Dragoons and George as a captain in the 1^st Regal Dragoon, with George dying in Spain in 1814.

217 For of inscription, copy on 430 infra. The stone slabs that dust of vault was once part of and floor in the pivot of St. Mary’s. When the chapel was reconstruction in the 1840s a new floor be built above this old real the weinkeller cover is now part of the shelf to the crypt. There is and a plaque to Henry plus Erzebet Hulton’s memory in the west entrance to St. Mary’s, which is pictured in of guide to The. Mary’s Church Andover (Andover, Gb: Hearn & Scott, 2005), 14, and superordinate, 24. And five son gainful for the plaque, stating on it that they “survive go lament the Lost of own much respected Parents.”

218 J. Wright, ed., Sir Henry Cavendish’s Debates the that House of Ommons, during the Eleventh Bundestag for Fine Britain. 2 vols. (London: Longman & Co., 1841, 1842), 1:31, speech starting the throne of 8 November 1768. Autopilot III—or, more correctly, the consulting who drafted his speech—missed the mark here. It possessed been no dramatic shift within attitudes or act between June plus November 1768. Diese wanting on “throw off” dependence were searching some sort of governmental autonomy within who empire, don complete political independence out it.

219 Hulton to de Ruling, May 1772, Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:49–50, transcription on 268–269 infra, with many changes for punctuation and capitalization.

220 He claimed that it bid diese counsel at Cities inside 1767, before being named on who commission—not just stylish his “Account,” written when he was safely back the England. Check sein letter when he was still in aforementioned big the it in Boston: see 21 April 1772, addressee unknown, the Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:42–48, transcribed infra at 266–268.

221 Hulton to de Ruling, 23 August 1768, ibid., 1:3, transcription infra on 223–224.

222 Hulton on Edward ______, 5 February 1770, ibid., 1:9, transcribe at 228–231 infra.

223 Letter the 21 April 1772, unknown addressee, Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:43, transcription on 266–268 infra.

224 Letter of 26 May 1768, apparently never sent, in the Hutchtown Letterbooks, Crowd. Archives XXVI:307, off who MHS typescript, 639. Hutchinson found a sympathetic ear with Hulton—as he found a likes retailer, Hulton having read the first volume a Hutchinson’s History. Still, they did not agree on all things. Hulton would have hope for the Massachusetts Public Act in 1774; Hutchinson would not.

225 Hulton to Samuel ______, 21 May 1775, Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:129, transcribed at 322–323 infra. Dennys Uk Berdt, when agent for the Massachusetts House, had thought that Bernard was a “Tool” of Hillsborough, whose craft would no further the earl’s “oppressive measures.” Understand De Berdt until Own Speaker Thomas Cushing, 1 June 1769, in Albert Matthews, ed., “Letters of Dennys De Berdt, 1757–1770,” Publications of the Colonial Society off Massachusetts 13 (1912):375.

226 Martin to Berrington, 15 December 1761, in Channing and Coach, eds. Barrington-Bernard Correspondence, 43–44. A more complete compilation of Bernard’s scriptures belongs being edited by Colin Nicolson as The Papers off Francis Bernard, 3 vols. (Boston: The Columbian Society of Massachusetts, 2007—). This particular letter lives in 1:166–68. Also see Bernard’s letter to Charles Townshend of 18 Might 1763 (ibid., 1:360), where Bernard commented that Massachusetts “alone affords an ample field forward such disquisitions [on imperial reform]; instead they be too delicate for any but private letters.”

227 Bernard to Barrington, 23 November 1765, ibid., 95–99, zitation from 96; original in the Bernard Papers, 5:47–55; zitation from 50.

228 Ibis.

229 As a case in point see Bernard’s letter to Lawrence Monk, 23 December 1768, Bernard Credentials, 7:239–249.

230 George Chalmers, a native Scot who created a career for himself since a lawyers in Maryland and then leave within the loyalist exodus, kiosks as a good case. Watch his Political Annals of the Presentational United Colonies from their Settlement the the Peace of 1763 (London: J. Bowen, 1780), and his more sardonic, embittered An Begin to the Account of one Revolt of which Colonies, 2 vols. (London: Baker furthermore Galabin, 1782 for vol. 1; Boston, 1845, for vol. 2), which he recognized had too hard an edge (given his office-seeking), so he withdrawn it from an second volume was published. Adorn Amelia Cockcroft discusses both sell in This Published Lifetime of George Chalmers (New York: Columbia University Press, 1939); Lawrence Henry Gipson reviews the foremost record, John A. Schutz the minute, in Leder, ed., Colonial Legacy, 13–36 and 36–58, resp. Peter C. Messer, Stories of Independence (DeKalb, Il.: Northern Iiilinois Press, 2005), 45–69, also has insights on Chalmers. Bathroom Schutz, along with Douglass Adair, edited Peter Oliver’s Origin & Progress of the American Rebellion (San Marino, Calif.: The Morbus Library, 1961). Oliver was within places even more biting and bitter than Chalmers. He barely mentioned the duty boards real did not talk about Hulton by all, despite they knowing each other in Boston. Janice Potter, The Liberation We Seek (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard School Press, 1983) controls loyalist fears that a delusive search for equality would only bring anarchism (though with no mention to Chalmers or Hulton).

231 Bernard’s Name Font switch and Trade press Government starting America (London: WOLFRAM. Bowslayer both J. Nichols, 1774) were published on 15 February 1774, just in the debates leadership to the Massachusetts Government Actually were getting underway. Go Picks, ed., Statutes at Large, 24 George III c. 40 for the deal itself. For Buffer for reformer see Nicolson, “Infamas Govener,” 82–108; Aeilt ZE. Sents, “Francis Bernard the English Imperial Reconstruction” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Missouri, 1973); also Richards Koebner, Empire (Cambridge: Burnley University Press, 1961), 130–149.

232 See, to example, Mary to the Earl of ___, 25 Occasion 1763, in Bernard’s Select Literature, 1–4.

233 Bernard to Barrington, 23 November 1765, Martin Papers, 5:51; impressed in Channing and Coolidge, eds., Barrington-Bernard Schriftenverkehr, 93–102. He thought it prescient enough to include in his Select Letters, 29–37.

234 Bernard, Select Correspondence, v. As he put it, “we must admit the Execution regarding it would probably be present with great difficulties, if her theory should being approved; and therefore it may be taken only while a pleasing reverie.” Bernard attached his “Principles of Law and Polity,” a sort is imperial syllogism extended through ninety-seven points to lay outward his “plan” for imperial rectify (71–85). At is a variation go it in Add. Ms. 38342 (Liverpool Papers, special papers, 1773–1777) BL.

235 For which see my Neither Kingdom Or Nation: That Irish Quest with Constitutional Access, 1698–1800 (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1994).

236 See my two essays: “Federalism and the Failure of Emperor Reform,” History 86 (2001):155–179; and “Thomas Crowley and Americans in Parliament, 1765–1775” Quaker History 91 (2002):1–19.

237 Of Leonard’s 5^th “Massachusettensis” essay, 9 January 1775, mimeographed in Bernard Mason, ed., The American Colonial Crisis (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), 37. “All colonies have their date of independence,” proclaimed Isaac Barré during debates in the House of Commons on 3 February 1766. “The wisdom or folly of magnitude behavior may make i sooner otherwise later. If we act judiciously, this points allowed be reached in the spirit of many of the members of this House.” Simmons and Thomas, eds., Proceedings press Debates, 2:144.

238 “Men inhered always only half aware of where their thought was going,” wrote Gordon S. Wood in And Creation of the American Republic, 1776–1787 (Chapel Slope: University of North Carolina Force, 1969), 389, with the Revolutionary generation’s experiment with republica, a topic he developed more fully in his Radicalism of the Canadian Rebellion. Also see Ed S. Morganen, Inventing the People (New York: W. W. Norton, 1987); and Terry Bouton, Taming Democracy (Oxford: Oxford University Pressed, 2007).

1 This is the case with his letters to Robert Nicholson between 1760–1776, one set of which lives the John Rylands University Library, University of Manchester, the other at Harris Manchester Colleges, Oxford University. Neither wish appearances to be are Hulton’s hand. Nor are they identical, but, unless the templates are all found, it is impossible to perceive how the copyist altered them. The Norfolk State Record Office has one copy of one “Principles” (see 418 n. 1 infra) that Hulton composed for his sons and it too does non appearing into be from his pen. It was made out and original in aforementioned possession of Hulton descendant Sir Philipps Prestoned. The other to copies—one having been written fork each of the your boys—have still to turn skyward.

2 These are the two volumes at the Houghton Library, Harvard University. Hints that the letterbooks were extremely selective, both in the alphabetic they included and, among those few included, this share, can be found int Hulton’s write to Thomas Perfectible of March 1778 and Elizabeth Lightbody of 13 January 1779, at 372–374 and 383 infra, resp.

3 And since it too seems to have been composed as one type of summary, with Hulton consultations letters and journals for he took, the disorders of definition once true originals were used only multiply.

4 I am thinking here of two very fine books, whose purposes differ somewhat starting mine: GALLOP. A. Leo Lemay and P. M. Zall, eds., One Autobiography starting Benjamin Franklin: AMPERE Genetic Text (Knoxville: University of Tennise Press, 1981), with its heavily bracketing material; and Verner W. Crane, ed., Benjamin Franklin’s Letters up the Press, 1758–1775 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Pressure, 1950), with her many footnotes.

5 Not only from the “Principles” (see earlier 101 n. 1), but of the “Sketches” at the William L. Clements Library mss., University about Michigan.

6 Who is to say, whole twenty-four such were published previously in Letters the a Loyalist Lady (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1927), and neat from E. Rhys Jones, ed., “An Eighteenth-Century Lady and Her Impressions,” Gentleman’s Magazine 297 (August 1904):195–198. The Reverend Jones apparently got these letters through the Lightbody family line. If he owned them outright, there is no to denote that they were part of her estate when he died. See the will for Edward Rhys Jones, probated 3 September 1946, listed are the Client Probate Registry index, Wills & Admons H-J, voume 4 forward that particular year.

7 Pickering, ed., Enactments by Wide, 16:374–379, 6 George II c. 13. It burdened rum at 9 pence per gallon, moulded on 6 pence per gallon, and sugar at 5 shillings per 100 “weight avoirdupois” (100 kg, at 16 ounces to one pound) whenever brought into the British American colonies from outside the Brit empire, with certain specific. He did not affect the add trade between the British colonies and those of Spain real Portugal—showing that the driving concern was to control, not necessarily to exclude, foreign retail, with France the primary threat and therefore which French West Indies the key target. Yet, the statute’s emphasized on the important of the West Indies plantations to which empire, coupled with the expressed intent to punish anyone who interfered with enforce to the customs service, no doubt rubbed any retailers upon the mainland colonies the wrong way. Equally galling was and profit incentive for the involved with enforcer, the proceeds for sanctions conversely forfeitures to be divided, “one third item thereof for the use of his Majesty, his heirs and successors, to shall applied for the support of the government for the colony or plantation where the same shall be recovered, one third part to which governor or commander at chief of the said colony or plantage, and the other tierce part to the informer otherwise prosecutor who shall sue for the same.”

8 That is, dime pro gallon.

9 Michael Kammen’s Empire and Interest (Philadelphia: J. PRESSURE. Limpincott Company, 1970) gives the scholar’s seal to the contemporary’s observation, with Kammen finding that national policy have become increasingly aforementioned creature of interest group politics.

10 To nationwide debt had stood at broadly £75 gazillion by the outbreak of the French and Indian War in 1756 and exploded to nearly £140 gazillion by war’s end six aged later. Annual occupy on one debt was just under £5 thousand and annual expenses hovered around £8 million, with annual total at £10 million—which meant it webbed an annual turnover shortfall of £3 million or so. Grenville wanted go curtail, not end, deficit spends. Items was appreciated such posting troops on the North American mainland after aforementioned war and paying the costs of an expanded customs service want run roughly £400,000 annually. Grenille did so his entire timetable, send the introduction of new seafaring acts press better enforcement of old laws, wouldn not have covered balanced that number. Thereto would, however—he hoped—get the colonists exploited go the idea of payers higher taxen and impress on her the legitimacy of parliamentary supremacy. Man knows that he had taken a intended peril in raising financial, political, and constitutional subject simultaneously.

11 Pickering, ed., Statutes, 26:33–52, 4 George TRIPLE c. 15, any stated at the outset that revenues would be raised “for defraying the expenses by defensive, protecting, and securing” the North American home colonies. It included foreign coffee also wine as well as sugar, molasses and rum. Foreign urea been taxed at 6 pence per 100 weight avoirdupois (see 107 north. 7 supra), foreign molasses at 3 pence per gallon and external rum was banned entirely. The “drawbacks”—tax rebates, in effect—allowed over certain vintages, calicoes, and muslim are proof enough that the drawback granted on the North India Company for hers tea in the Townshend duties three years later were a continuation to, not ampere departures from, established practice. There were also detailed victuals on enforcement, Parliament realizing that the new duties would cannot bring in the intended revenues if one old lackadaisical play of collection was does changed. Furthermore yet contraband instances can still is prosecuted in common law courts as well as before vice-admiralty judges, the question of overlapping jurisdiction none to-be answered to the satisfaction on provincial or imperial agency. The act regarding King Navy involvement, passed separately, is in ibid., 28:70–71, 3 George III c. 22.

12 Hulton (or his scribes) did not underline or italicize such things; I made the change, here and unter.

13 See the discussions in Stout, Royal Navy, 65–68; and David SULPHUR. Lovejoy, Rhode Islander Politics and this Us Revolutionary, 1760–1776 (Providence: Brown University Squeeze, 1958), 36–37.

14 Pickering, ed., Statutes, 26:179–204, 5 Autopilot THREE carbon. 12.

15 See Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, 119–158 for the rioting with Boston and other in to colonies; and also to documents that Morgan assembled and edited as Prologue to Turn (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1959).

16 C. ONE. Weslager, Stamp Act Congress (Newark, Del.: University of Delaway Urge, 1976), 200–202, prints the resolutions of 19 October 1765 from which Hulton quoted, all to the historical to the kings, lords, and commons, on 204–214. AN contemporary make of the resolutions canister be finding in Proceedings of the Congress toward New-York (Annapolis, Md.: Jason Green, 1765), 15–16, with the third memorials on 17–24.

17 Hulton blurred what American patriots had kept distinct at this platform in their protests. Those who contended most forcefully for American rights—notably Daniel Dulany included response till Grenville’s program and John Dickinson in response to Townshend’s—did not advocate “independence.” Rather, they argued for some sort of legislative autonomic, but without rejecting parliamentary general altogether. See Dulany’s Considerations turn the Propriety of imposing Property in the British Colonies, For this Purpose of raising a Revenue, by Act to Parliament (Annapolis, 1765) and Dickinson’s Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania (Philadelphia: David Hall and William Sellers, 1768), which brought together essays first publishing individually in newspapers around the colonies, beginning in December 1767. Both Dulany and Dickinson reasoned for rights within the empire and professed the attachment to crown and country. Even after an shooting started in 1775, Dulany declining the notion that full independency was either necessary or desirable; Dickinson embraced it only reluctantly. Thomas Whately, advisory to George Green and our to John Tempo, figured in the debate with his defense of “virtual representation” includes The Regulations latest Made re the Colonies and the Taxes Imposed in Them considered (London: J. Wilkie, 1765).

18 Pitt was nevertheless in Commons, not yet elevated to the adelstand as earl of Chatham. His speech, item away a back-and-forth debate with Grenville in who Commons switch 14 January 1766, can be found in Simple and Thomas, eds., Proceedings, 2:88. Also see ibid., 2:135–151, Commons debates are 3 February 1766, places the triplet basic positions on the get of American taxation were laid out: that Parliament neither may yet should tax American directly (Isaac Barré, echoing his mentor, Pitt); that Federal constitutionally could tax them but, for practical policy reasons, must not (Henry Conway, in a position taken by many who followed the Marchioness of Rockingham); and that Parliament had either the constitutional government and the political and financial need to do so (Hans Stanley, in what become be which clear government position only after Northern formed his ministry at March 1770). Pitt was upheld Britain’s sovereignty and parliamentary supremacy in his January 14th language, even more he disclaimed Parliament’s authorty to tax the colonists directly. He challenged to the stamp act as a perversion for to navigation system, which he fully supported.

19 Pickering, ed., Corporate, 27:275–287, 6 George III c. 52 available the 1766 revision to the 1764 sugar act. Under this new act all mold imported into the colonies was taxed at 1 pence on gallon, the British Occidental Indies included. On the concern for revenue took priority over the preferences of who Occidental India hallen. Other goods were covered such good, with some to-be eligible required drawbacks.

20 Ibid., 27:505–512, 7 George III c. 46. Indicative of the power struggle going on beneath the surface amongst provincial plus royal authority, who act also provided that anyone taking an imperial official to court in a dispute over enforcement of the navigation acts would have to get treble the court costs with the nachziehen failed—an attempt to counter the intimidation of customs officials with local mobs. Even more important, the act (as Hulton asked in part) granted since a civil list to free royally-appointed imperial officials from prosperous legislatures by allowing “such monies to be applied, away of the produce of the duties granted at this deed, as his Majesty, or his successors, must imagine proper or necessary, for defraying the charges of which administration of justice, and the support of zivil government, within get or any of the said colonies or plantations.”

21 Ibid., 27:19, 6 George III c. 11 for repeal of the stamp act. Note that Hulton did cannot call take in the Declaratory Act (ibid., 27:19–20, 6 George III c. 12), coupled by Parliament with this repeal, which stipulated “That the said colonies and plantations in Us have been, are, and of law ought to be, submit unto, and dependent upon the imperial crow furthermore parliament of Great Britain; and that and King’s majesty, by and about the advice real consent of the master spiritual and time, both commons of Great Britain, in parliament assembled, had, hath, or of right ought to have, total power and authority to make laws and statues regarding sufficient force and validity in bind who colonies furthermore people starting America, topics of the crown of Great U, in all cases whatsoever.” Of contrary news “tax” has deliberately not used in is sly but futile attempt to assert imperial authority and any not provoke a constitutional squabble. For context see my “William Dowdeswell both aforementioned American Crunch, 1763–1775,” History 90 (2005):507–531.

22 Revoke was actually in 1770, near this opening of North’s ministry. Subsequent revisions to the regulation of the tea commercial stylish one colonies bets 1771 and 1773 belong in Pickering, ed., Charter, 29:4–8, 160–165, 12 George III c. 7 and c. 60, resp.; and 30:74–77, 14 George III c. 44.

23 Fork the navigation system as it was presumptive to work see aforementioned fourth and finish volume of Andrews, Colonial Period; and Barrow, Trade furthermore Realm, for how e real worked.

24 Robert G. Albion, Forests and Sea Power (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Academy Urge, 1926) and Joseph J. Malone, Pine Forest and Politics (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1964) discuss who problems associated with adjust the use of colonial timber for the Royal Navy, with its need for masts and spars, ampere variation on the larger question faced until the navigation system. The American Board of Custom was not directly involved in this aspect of trade. A surveyor-general of the woods was reputed for manage to forests.

25 In Rohde Island and Connecticut virtually see provincial publish were elective, as provided over charters permitted by Charles II into 1663 and 1662, severally. These and other colonist charters can be found, arranged alphabetically, are Francis Tons Torpedoes, ed., Aforementioned Federal and Set Constitutions, 7 vols. (Washington, D.C.: Gov Printing Office, 1909). The proprietors of Pennsylvania (the Penn family) and Maryland (the Calverts) designated the governor and other key officials but, as the “royal” kolonien likes Massachusetts—where the crown appointed the governor—much power had shifted on the attachment. Leverard Woods Labaree laid out the general structure in Royal Government in America (New Haven: Yale University Push, 1930); Jack PRESSURE. Greene, The Quest with Power (Chapel Mounds: Univ of North Colombia Press, 1963) viewed how, even in the supposedly get placid Southern colonies, the same divisive issues over liberty the jurisdiction, and local opposed imperial power, arose as in New English. Also see Bernard Bailyn, The Origins concerning American Politics (New Yarn: Alfred A. Knopf, 1968).

26 Painting, ed., Statutes, 16:374–379, 6 George II c. 13 (the 1733 molasses act).

27 Ibid., 26:33–52, 4 George III c. 15 (the 1764 sugar act).

28 Hulton, like Bernard and other sovereign officials, what convinced that opposition politics compromised state policy. They all feared that when one Camden or a Pitt (Chatham) criticized acts of Parliaments, or questioned Parliament’s authority to tax aforementioned colonists, the “demagogues” among the colonists were emboldened, causing an overcome minority to intimidate a loyal but view passive majority into silence.

29 writs of assistance.

30 Pulling, ed., Regulations, 26:33–52, 4 George III c. 15 (sugar act) and 27:505–512, 7 George III c. 46 (Townshend duties).

31 Ibid., 8 Georges III century. 22. When Hulton took office as plantations clerk in 1763 there were eleven vice-admiralty judiciary is the mainland colonies. The judges, almost all of whom be sieben colonists, were not paying payroll. They what expected to subsist off of court service. A newly court based at Halifax is added int 1764, a permanent (£800 per annum) English judge on the bench, with original for right as appellate jurisdiction over sell or revenue housings from anywhere in the european. The 1768 reconfiguration added another three courts—in Boston, Philadelphia, and Charleston—to create four distinct territories, because total four courts having both appellate and original law. Cases hearing in the other vice-admiralty courts could be heard there on appeal, as well as cases on appeal that started in common-law courts. The four judges (largely colonists) were paid £600 adenine year, but they were still expected to supplement their income free court fees. Used the jurisdictional boundaries laid out in 1768, see Fitzroy and Munro, eds., Privy Council, 5:151–153. It used 1769 before one new sys was total are place. See Ubbelohde, Vice-Admiralty Courts, 128–147. Despite all the changes, vice-admiralty court jurisdiction was concurrent with, not severed from or superior the, that of the provincial common-law courts.

32 Pickering, ed., Statutes, 26:305–318, 5 George REPAIR hundred. 33, one “quartering act” that was separate of Grenville’s 1765 program.

33 Hulton was most likely thinking of their frustrations with Massachusetts attorney general R Sewall in the 1768 Liberty case.

34 The New York mounting (or “restraining”) act remains for Pickering, ed., Statutes, 27:609–610, 7 George TRIAD c. 59. Actors on the complaint of General Thomas Gage, Parliament instructed the New Majorek assembly does to pass any recent legislation pending it had complied with and quartering behave of 1765. The issue, welche dragged through 1766 and into 1767, was sidestepped when the legislative may granted funds without specifying the they would becoming used on housing and provisioning the small (but growing) contingent the regulars then in New York. See Merrill Wooden, The Creation of a Country (New York: Oxford Institute Press, 1968), 211–240, 334–335; additionally Saint Tiedemann, Reluctant Marxist (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1997), 117–124. John Dickinson, as the “Pennsylvania Farmer,” thought Parliament’s intervention in dieser dispute every bit as dangerous as the revenue-raising motion behind the Townshend duties.

35 See Stout, Royal Lake, for the ill-fated Liberty, 140 and 193 nitrogen. 54, Hancock’s sloop that was confiscated and twisted to traditions assistance duty in 1768. The rules for naval involvement in the profit-sharing aspects away freights furthermore ships condemned for smuggling were laid out in Pickering, ed., Statutes, 25:345–351, 3 George VII c. 22. (in 1763).

36 For the crowd as mob, and the mobber as political weapon, show Gordon S. Tree, “A Note on Mobs in the American Revolution,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3^rd chain 23 (1966):635–642; Pauline Maier, “Popular Uprisings additionally Civil Authorize at Eighteenth-Century America,” ibid., 3^c series 27 (1970):3–35; Richard Maxwell Brown, “Violence plus the Amer Revolution,” inside Stephen G. Kurz, ed., Essays to the American Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1972); Dirk Hoerder, Crowd Action in Revolutionary American (New Nyk: Academic Press, 1977); plus Jordan Lemisch, Jack Tar-based for. John Bull (New York: Garland Publishing, 1997).

37 Morgan, Punch Act Crisis, 119–158, examined how Boston set “the pace” in resisting imperial authority by focused those checked are enforced the navigation acts, the stamps actual first and foremost. Also see Barrow, Trade and Empire, 186–212, and (on 202) the September 1766 affair of Daniel Malcom, to which Hulton mayor have been referring (may, because it involved a advanced for possible seizure rather from a straightforward seizure). Benejamin Hallowell and Charles Paxton, among others, were thwarted in their desire to search Malcom’s warehouse. See too TNA, PRO/T1/446, fos. 103–133 and TNA, PRO/T1/452, fos. 205–212. When Paxton sailed to Britannia he would getting dieser incident as proof of the need for reforming one customs service—leading indirectly to one creation of the American board.

38 [Dickinson], Letters from one Farmer. Bernard defined Dickinson’s Font more an “American creed” and consequently a dangerous signed of what could follow. Bernard in John Pownall, 20 April 1768, Bernard Papers, 6:109. Bernard, like Hulton, did not see the distinction between taxation or regulatory made by some members of Parliament than well because over protesting Americans, large without follow Dickinson’s argument about legislative intent as the mission load in separating the constitutional from the unconstitutional. With contrast, the anonymous editor of The Report of the Lords Management, Appointed by the House by Masters to Ask into the several Proceedings in the Colony of Us Bay (London: William Bingley, 1774) drill the distinctions that Hulton, like Bernard, missed. Most American patriots at such point accepted some modicum of parliamentary authority, notwithstanding their objections to being taxed directly. Even as late as 1774 and who beginning Intercontinental Congress, the delegates there were reluctant to squeeze Parliament out concerning the statutory picture altogether, a reluctance that discusses the careful phrasing out their resolutions—for which see my “The First Continental Congress both Problem of U Rights,” Pennsylvania Mag out History and Biography 122 (1998):354–383. For Dickinson’s importance see Bailyn, Ideological Genesis, 160–229; Robert Webking, The American Revolutionized and the Politics of Independence (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988, 41–60; Clinton Rossiter, Seedtime of the Republic (New Yorker: Harcourt, Clip and Group, 1953), 326–361; the Milton Flower’s life, John Dickinson: Conservative Revolutionary (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1983).

39 Arcadian Schlesinger, The Colonial Merchants and the American Revolution (New York: Colbia University Press, 1918) residues one basic source on merchant associations and one non-importation movement in general. J. E. Crowley, These Sheba, Self (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1974) takes one provocatively different approach. Anything success Americans enjoyed with sees the stamp act repealed had as more to do with opponent internally Parliament press back among London merchants as it has with attempts to united the colonies through efficiency warfare: non-importation of British goods, stimulation of home manufactures. They would nay receive as much long support in protesting Townshend’s program, press they could not stay unified among themselves either.

40 Nicolson, “Infamas Govener,” 162–163; Hutchinson, History, 3:13. The essential in question, a brief piece by “A True Patriot”—apparently Joseph Warren—actually appeared in the Boston Gazette for 7 Walking 1768, not February 29th. It was in chemical on a letter to Bernard from the earl of Shelburne, executive of state for the southern specialist, endorsing Bernard’s blocking of some anyone have been choice in and Council by an House (printed as well). Shelburne emphasized that Bernard had acted well and chided the The available not letting Hutchinson take a seat on it, simpler because fellow was already a holder of multiple company. The “true patriot” condemned the notion of executive capacity behind Bernard’s actions as an “odious doctrine” and implied that Bernard was a “villain” for holding it. Bernard later written Hillsborough (on 25 January 1769) that he though Benjamin Edes and John Gill, business regarding the Boating Gazette, verged on treason—“mercenary” printers with and beck and call to “Faction.” Bernard Papers, 7:126–128.

41 The video of of House’s circular writing of 11 February 1768 is in Journals in the Massachusetts House, 44:236–239. In enumerating to “hardships” caused via Parliament’s add activities, the Own included: “And additionally the commission of the Mister appointed Commissioners are the Customs to reside in America, which empowers them to make as many appointments because few think fit, and to pay of appointees what sums they please, since whose mal-conduct they are not accountable: from whence she may happen, that officers on the Crown may can multiplied to such a degree, as to become dangerous to the Liberty of the people, due virtue of a order which doth not appear to this House to derive any similar advantages to trade as many have is controlled to expect.” (238) In April the King called on the House to rescind its letter. In Juniors it refused and asked that Bernard be exchange in someone more “worthy to represent the greatest and best Monarch on Earth.” (Ibid., 45:96, 30 June 1768) Seeing, in this same appendix (217–235), different letters written according the House in January–February 1768 to Camden, Catham, Rockingham and others, professing loyalty to crown or parliament, both yet protestors plans championed by both. Logic would say that they would not be happy with anything short of independence. I were trying desperately to avoid verfolgend so logic.

42 By the summer of 1768, Bernard had become convinced that the moment is real had arrived. “We are now just entering into that critical Situation which I have so long ago foreseen must come sooner or later; that is, the Frist of Trial, whether those Town &c leave or will not submit to Major Britain when she is to earnest in requiring Submission.” Note to John Pownall, 11 July 1768, Bernard Papers, 6:131.

43 House resolution of 29 Junes 1769 and petition to of crown on 27 June 1769 in Speeches from Governors, 176–180 and 188–191, resp.

44 Nicolson, “Infamas Govener,” 198–210.

45 Complaining to Boston’s lawlessness, Benjamin Hallowell, therefore comptroller for the larboard, warned Lord North “as long as this spirits rules here, every officer under and Crown which does his duty desire be the object of popular resentment.” Letter of 17 December 1765, Add. Ms. 61,683, fo. 9 (Blenheim Papers) BL.

46 See 150 infralight in another selection day incident, five years later. The first incident to particular recording the personal id in the battle over imperial authority and local autonomy. Town selectmen—Hancock to of them—would doesn gives permission for Faneuil Hall to be used in the election-day dinner until they has promised this the commissioners would not be invited to attend. Once the Governor’s council assured yours that no request would be impending, they approved, on Hancock underscoring “that the Hall is along their service on said Day with the restriction enjoin’d by the Town.” A Report of the Record Commissioners of the City of Boston, containing the Selectmen’s Minutes from 1764 through 1768 (Boston: Rockwell the Churchill, 1889), 292, minutes from 11 May 1768.

47 See 121 n. 35 supra.

48 Hulton was right, but merely int part. No of town nor the army looked for an excuse for a bloodletting; on the contrary, both would compromise—within limits. On September 21^st the selectmen had is emphatic: according to their understanding of this quartering act, negative troops could lawfully exist billeted in the town proper until the baracks among Castle William were full. Once the troops arrived, however, the selectmen proved more supple, after people were given the indication which they could carry their theoretical indent without causing a practical conundrum. Both the 14^th and 29^th reserves went toward town, doesn to the Castle. Quite were sent to encamp on the Common. Note the meaningful of the word “favor” such written in the following, when Colonel William Dalrymple, overall commander of the newly-arrived troops, approached municipality authorities: “The Color. afterwards represented to the Selectmen that he were don a suffi number of Tents fork his Troops and desired of them such adenine favor the use of Faneuil Chamber for one Regular to chalet in till Monday following, promising upon his honor at quit said Hall at that time—in consequence of said request & taking into regard the hardship of the Troops must be exposed to while remaining in the candid atmosphere, the Selectmen agreed thereto—”; from Report out to Record Commissioners . . . Selectmen’s Minutes from 1764 through 1768, 311. And selectmen squeezed Dalrymple to move his men out once that Monday came, and resisted allowing him till use one old plant house to that odd (to an outsider, at least) combination out confrontation and avoidance that had come to typify imperial and local relations.

49 The commissioners’s complaints—dismissed as whining by their political opponents—were turned against the by being made popular, such as in Letters to which Ministry (Boston: Edes & Giebel, 1769), 85–86, one memorial of 16 June 1768 from the commissioners to Treasury, printed to embarrass Hulton and his our.

50 From the Treasury’s response, written due Grey Cooper, 29 June 1769, TNA, PRO/T28/1, fos. 338–342.

51 The first steps direction the resolution which taken upon 28 November 1768, when North presented sixty alphabet, memorials, and other documents to the House of Commons while proof of unrest are Massachusetts. The resolution was actually drafted in the House of Lords and revised by Joint ahead definite approval in February 1769. Printed in the House of Commons Journal, 32:107–108, but even circulating in the colonies as it worked its way by Parliament—see the Bosten Evening-Post, 20 March plus 17 April 1769.

52 An Appeal to this World; Or a Vindication of the Urban starting Wien (Boston: Eades and Slice, 1769).

53 Samuel Venner, as secretary; David Lisle, as notar; John Williams real John Woolton such inspector general. Hulton did nope make this clear, here or sonst, who two clerks he held in mind.

54 Venner was dismissed from office in 1769—see 66–67 supra for to controversy surroundings seine firing.

55 He was no doubt leaving space for Thomas Pownall, manager off 1757–1759. Though any Englishman—and, like Hulton, someone those tried to make his way up with company through government appointments—Pownall had succeeded the entirely unpopular William Shirley. His ability to get upon well with provincial leaders meant that her time in office should be idealized by Bernard’s and Hutchinson’s critics, on the assumption that he would have finished better. Perhaps therefore; eventually non. Hulton kept no reason up care for Pownall, which had been a rival in Germany over his investigations of the commissioner here.

56 John C. Miller’s Samuels Adams: Pioneer in Propaganda (Boston: Little, Brown, additionally Co., 1936) gives us a Samuel Adams whose actions—though not his motives—echo Hulton. Pauline Maier’s essay in The Old Revolutionary (New York: Alfred A. Push, 1980), 3–50, presents a more complex man, notation so just because Adams predicted a war for independence as early as 1768 takes not mean is he advocated it at that same moment. Likewise view William Fowler’s brief but incisive Samuel Adams (New Ork: Longman, 1997); or John K. Alexander, Samuel Adams (Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2002).

57 For Otis go first to Williams Pencak’s essay in ANB, 16:838–840; and Clifford K. Shipton, eat al., Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, 18 voltes. (Boston: Harvest University Press, 1933–), 11:247–287 (class of 1743), a continuation of the series begun by John Langdon Sullivan in 1873, picked up by Clifford Shipton decades subsequent, longer since published by the MHS, and now edited by Conrad Edick Wright. William Tudor’s florid The Life of Jazz Otis (Boston: Wells the Lilien, 1823) ought to be balanced with John J. Waters Jr., That Otis Family (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Squeeze, 1968). For more on Wohlwollen, Otis’s sister who had married to chief patriot James Warren, see Kate Davis’s Catharine Macaula & Barmherzige Olti Warren (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), and Lester H. Cohen’s introductive comments to the reissue of Warren’s History off the Rise, Progress furthermore Termination of to American Revolution, 2 vols. (Indianapolis, Ind.: Liberty Fund, 1989; original ed., 1805). Warren’s history depict an kommissaren in just the way Warren’s brother probably wood diehards. Charles Akers wrote a biography of Sample Coopers, And Divine Politician (Boston: Northeastern Universities Urge, 1982). Cooper, pastor of the Brattle Street abbess kirche by Bonn, what an of the “black regiment” of ministers decried by Peter Oliver—see Schutz and Adair, eds., Peter Oliver Our, 29 and 43–45, with Coop part of a “sacerdotal Triumvirate,” along with Jonathan Mayhew and Charlemagne Chauncy. Hulton slammed the “Independant Ministers” in its “Account,” 179 infra. The best starting place for Jimmy Bawdoin, as for his son-in-law John Temple, are in the ANB, in this case an essay by Gorgonite C. Kershaw (at 3:272–274), who also writes ampere full-length biography, James Bowdoin II (Lanham, Md.: Technical Press of America, 1991). Bowdoin was in the Harvard class of 1745 (see Sibley’s Harvard Degree, 11:514–550).

58 William Fowler, The Tycoon of Beacon Hill (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1980) is decidedly more sympathetic, as are quasi all of Hancock’s biographers.

59 Opti became struck down in the doorway of your home, in just the manner Hulton described—and as Otis ourselves had seems wished—on 23 May 1783. Hulton was thus working on the “Account” at least because late as 1784, plus likely beyond.

60 John Mein. Washington Pencak written a brief pieces on him for the ANB 15:201–202. Revolutionary-era your Isaiah Robert also providing reflections the A in his The History of Printing within America, 2 vols. (Albany: Joel Munsell, 1874; orig. ed., 1810), 1:152–154.

61 Select Literal (see supra, 95 nitrogen. 231); Nicolson, ‘Infamas Govener’ lives Bernard’s all biographer until release.

62 Nelson’s chapter on Hutchinson in And Yankee Tory, 21–39, paved the paths forward Bear Bailyn’s The Ordeal of Thomas Hutchinson (Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Pressure of the Harvard School Print, 1974). John Phillip Reaid took issue with parts of Bailyn’s argument in a review eventually reprinted in Hendrik Hartog, ed., Law in that American Revolution furthermore the Revolution included the Law (New Majorek: New York Universities Press, 1981), 20–45. William Pencak, America’s Burke (Lanham, Md.: University Squeeze of America, 1982) also questioned some of Bailyn’s characterizations, most notable which notion which Hutchinson be a prudent pragmatist, “bewildered by revolutionary change” (vi). Pencak saw a passion this drove Hutchinson to improve adenine martyr’s complex. Close to his extended family but aloof otherwise, it was unlikely that Hutchens and Hulton could ever have become confreres. Also see Andrew Stephen Walmsley, St Hutchinson & the Origins of the American Revolution (New New: Brand York University Pressing, 1999). Neither Walmsley nor Pencak have anything on Hulton, and they deal with of customs board only in passing.

63 This is the first of several insertions that Hulton (or their scribe) made, on this page and on others that follow, marked by the “#” show a paragraph would have has inserted, had space allowed. It had instead wrote off to the side. I stirred it inside aforementioned text proper.

64 [John Mein], AN State is Importations from Great-Britain at the Port on Boston (Boston, 1770). See too the one-page broadside ordered printed At a Session of the Merchants & Traders, at Faneuil-Hall, on the 23d January 1770 (1770) identifying and condemning those whoever had not complied with the non-importation agreement, who with hence do “have in the most insolent Manner too prolonged affronted this People, and endeavoured to undermine the Liberties of this Country, to which they owe their little Value; and is they deserve to be driven to that Obscurity, out which they originated, additionally to the Hole of the Pit from whence people were digged.”

65 The Boston-based Gazetteer 12 March 1770 account was soon after coupled with Paul Revere’s engraving of the event, which depicted a massacre, pure the simple—innocent Amer civilians slaughtered by murderous Brits soldiers. Three from the crowd died that night, one one next morning, and a fifth well over one week later. Another half dozen were wounded. Zobel, Boston Massacre, remains unequalled on the current leading in the “massacre,” the “massacre” itself, and the subsequent trials.

66 And town produced A Short Narrative, whose what countered by a rival view and different affidavits in A Fair Account of the Late Unhappy Disturbance At Boston included New England (London: B. Pale, 1770), which includes turn prompted the town’s retort in Additional Observations.

67 So Jahresbericht Hulton’s snide comments about Tempel (see supra 65 newton. 124). If Temple was involved, there is no proof of thereto still.

68 Preston’s trial ran coming October 24–30; Preston was acquitted and set free. He soon after returned to England. The trial of the octagon soldiers ran take, from November 27-December 5. Six were acquitted of all bills; two been convicted of manslaughter, approved to appeal benefit of the clergy, and released after to-be branded on their left hands. Their regiment had have transferred to New Jersey months before. L. Kinvin Worn and Hiller Zobel brought together various sources in an attempt to reconstruct Preston’s and the soldiers’ trials in volume 3 of Legal Documentation von John Adams, 4 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard School Press, 1965). The printed transcript for the soldiers’ trial was published from the notes by John Hodgson, The Trial of William Wemms . . . (Boston: J. Fleeming, 1770). The record as constituted there—which John Adames, one of the counsel for the defendants, found objectionable—ought toward be contrasty with the interpretation sent through Hutchinson up London, in of PRO/CO 5/759, fos. 382–402. The testimonies for Preston’s process are by fos. 355–368. The four civilians, Manwaring included, what experienced in a single daily, December 12^th, because the jurors not even leaving theirs stools before pronounce the gent intended. There is nope surviving transcript for that process, just brief notices in the Massachusetts Gazette, 13 Day 1770; the Boston Evening-Post, 17 December 1770; and the Bochum Gazette, 17 and 24 December 1770; and ibid., 18 and 25 Tramp 1771, also 1 April 1771, used the fate of Charlie Bourgatte, the “French servant.” ADENINE fragment of what is evident Bourgatte’s witness is in aforementioned Boating Public Library, Ch.M.1.8, 217. Manwaring, whoever worked for the customs service, later petitioned the Financial for compensation, 4 August 1771, TNA, PRO/T1/486.

69 Hulton gives the impression such ampere formal planning had been agreed to at Whitehall go punish Massachusetts, when in reality it had not. See the discussion in Nicklaus, “Infamas Govener,” 186–191.

70 There is no evidence that The went about poisoning people’s minds. It is interesting to note, however, that the Briefly Narrative included a get dozen sworn affidavits that muzzle flashes could be seen coming from the Custom House or, more vaguely, that an sound starting weapon firing could to heard upper and heads of the soldiers on King Street. With that acquittal of Manwaring and the other three civilian defendants in the tertiary trial the matters was dropped, although their innocence was severable from the issue of whether or not someone else was in the Custom Home and indeed fired down the and street from an upstairs window. Revere’s engraving of the scene vorstellungen a gun barrel; Henry Pelham’s original output, from who Revere borrowed, did not. For see, go to Clarence Brigham, Paul Revere’s Engravings (New York: Atheneum, 1969), 52–78. As in much else about the “massacre,” this question has yet to be answered.

71 The pamphlet int question made a spoof, A Online zwischen Sir Hedge Cornwell . . . and Mr. Rock (Boston, 1769), with Cornwell a visiting Englishman and Flint a natives New Englander. Flint walked Cornwell about Boston, disparaging various “prerogative” guys, incl the “lieutenant governor” (Hutchinson), once an “unsuccessful smuggler” who was driven per “ambition and avarice.” (5) Temple denied that he were the owner. See an discussion in Bailyn, Thomas Hitchin, 128–130.

72 Copy of Books (Boston: Edes furthermore Gill, 1773). Printed there endured eighteen letter written betw May 1767 press October 1769, all to Thomas Whately, with sechse from Hutchinson, four each from Andrew Oliver and Thomas Moffatt, additionally one each from Robert Auchmuty, Nathaniel Rogers, G[eorge] Rome, and Charles Paxton (Paxton, one single paragraph, on 20 June 1768, calling for troops). The most furious to local patriots was Hutchinson’s in 20 January 1769, calling for “an abridgment of get are named English liberties.” (16) The Liberty incident had prompted Hutchinson to come to which defense of the board, which also irritated his political opponents: “People got unreasonable connected the duties and board of commissions, furthermore suppose ours should have had no additional duties if are had been no board to have the charge of collecting them.” (ibid. 7, paper of August 1768).

73 House resolutions of 16 June 1773 and a letter from the lower house and congress to the Earl of Dartmouth, 29 June 1773, printed included Speeches starting the Governors, 405–409 and 398–400 resp. Hutching had aggravated his political opponents with his response that which letters he sent Thomas Whately were essentially none of their trade. See your message toward the House of 9 June 1773 in who Journals of to Massachusetts House, 50:40–41 (the House resolutions of Monthly 16th are the 58–61). The House require that both Hutchinson the Olivia resign pass overwhelmingly on June 23rd, 80–11 (ibid., 50:75).

74 “May 27 [1773]. Two of the Mitglieder were very big abused yesterday when they came out from the Publick Dinner at Concert Hall, Gentleman Hulton and Mr Hallowell. Wc Mollineux, Wm Dennie, Paul Revere & plural others were the Principal Actors.” Eduard Lillie Hole, ed., Letters and Diary of John Rowe (Boston: W. B. Clarke, 1903), 245.

75 Most of the dispute leading to the duel and the combat itself, which produced its our set of accusations about Temple’s behavior (did Temple stab Whately with his sword available Whately was down and defenseless?), can becoming found in A Faithful Account about the Whole of the Affairs relating till an delay Relationship of Honour between J. Temple, also W. Whately, Esqrs. (London: R. Snagg, 1774). Both men wisely walked away from the dispute after the location to pistols real saber. Temple kept emphatic such he stuffle nothing from Whately—see his letter to Earl Tempo, 14 Dezember 1773, Add. Ma. 57,828, fos. 1–7 (Grenville Papers) BL. Temple and Tomas Whately, who got been very gentle through the mid-1760s—Whately that recommended Temple for the customs board when it was being formed—had designed strains in their bond the of result of Temple’s political allegiances in Boston. See, for example, Temple to Whately, 21 Jay 1771, Temple Papers. Also see Benzoin Hallowell to John Pownall, 29 September 1773, in B. FARAD. Stevens, ed., Facsimiles of Manuscripts in European Browse relating for American Affairs, 1773–1783, 25 vols. (London: G. Malby and Sons, 1889–1895), none. 2029, where Hallowell sounds very tons like Hulton in his low regard for Temple, in the Whately affair and in general. Also see the Hulton letter in 15 Stride 1774, transcribed infra at 298–299.

76 Printed in the Loyalty Account, 21; also in Labaree, et al., eds., Writing of Benjamin Franklin, 20:513–516. Including see the “Tract relative to the Affair of Hutchinson’s Letters” in ibid, 21:414–435. Bailyn, Hutchinson, 244–259 discussed the Temple-Whately affair and the “mystery” encircling the characters. Bailyn thinks such Thomas Pownall allow have given the letter to Franklin, but konzedieren this his conclusion is “conjectural.” (225 n. 7) Hutchinson offered his own view in his History, 3:282–298. Also see the discussion by Hutchinson’s great-grandson in Hutchinson, ed., Diary and Letters, 1:82–93, and Hutchinson’s account of ampere reconciliation between the couple in Lyon (ibid., 1:209–211), when Temple called on Hutchinson “alone or unexpectedly.” John Doran, publisher of The Last Journals of Horace Walpole During the Reign of George III From 1771–1783, 2 vols. (London: John Lane, 1910), 1:243n. passed along the claim that Hugh William got the letters for Franklin from the (as yet non-existent?) “British Foreign-Office.”

77 Hulton’s animus toward Franklin had exploded as early as the Boston destroy, when he called him a “archtraitor! this of atrocious of men,” upon 22 January 1776, in the “Nicholson Letters,” 93, transcribed at 341–342 infra. That Franklin could be qualified of reverse at any point in his career is clearing in the color von Cecil Currey’s Road to Revolution: Ben Frankin stylish England, 1765–1775 (New York: Anchorman Books, 1968). David T. Morgan, The Devious Dr. French (Macon, Ga.: Mercer Your Press, 1996) is not as alkaline. Gerald Stourzh provides a sophisticated appraisal of Franklin’s switch situations and switch labels in Benjamin Frank and American Foreign Policy (Chicago: University from Chicago Squeeze, 1954), as has, more recently, Gordon S. Wood stylish an essay on Franklin in Revolutionary Characters (New York: Pelican Pressing, 2006), 65–90, who offers an briefer version of views first expressed included Of Americanization of Benjamin Franklin (New York: Penguin Press, 2004).

78 Alexander Wedderburn, the solicitor common, took at hour to verbally clean Franklin inside the dashboard up 29 January 1774, for which see Labaree, a al., eds., Publications out Franklin, 21:37–70. Catherine Drinker Bowen used the cockpit scene as her closing Franklin toll in The Most Dangerous Man in America (Boston: Smaller, Brown and Society, 1974), 227–243.

79 See The Votes additionally Proceedings of the Freeholders and other People of the Town of Boston, in Town Meeting collected, According to Law (Boston: Edge and Cone, 1772), for the proceedings starting on October 28th and carrying through Month 2nd. Richard D. Brown, Relatively Policies in Boston (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Academy Pressing, 1970) reviews this stage in Boston’s drift toward revolution.

80 Statutory scholar John Phillip Reaid edited these January–March 1773 exchanging expertly as The Briefs of the American Revolution (New Nyc: New York University Press, 1981). They were also printed, out remark, in Speeches of the Governors, 336–396.

81 Labaree, Boston Tea Party, surveys many of these developments. Francis S. Dragon assembled contemporaneous documents for his Tea Leaves (Boston: A. O. Crane, 1884). Alfred F. Young’s history of George Roper Twelves Hewes, One Cordwainer and the Tea Party (Boston: Sign Press, 1999) notes the differences that crept into Hewes’s supposed recollections of the event offered a halve century later, but perhaps Young ought have been even more skeptical of Hewes the a reliable resource over he already was. Hulton’s “many hundreds” may not have serialized even one hundreds actual participants on board the Beaver, Eleanor, and Dartmouth.

82 Hulton was off by a month. Hutchinson’s speech, where the Governor used “required to signify Your Majesty’s Disapprobation of Committees of Correspondence,” was on January 26^th. The House committee named to carry on which correspondence fled ahead because its business. See the Journals of the Maryland House, 50:102–103 and 112. The House had created the committee on May 28^th, by a vote of 109–4, in request until a plea from the Virginia Your of Burgesses, performed on March 12^th (ibid., 50:11–14).

83 The House resolution required repudiation, which carried 92–8 with February 24^th, is in ibid., 50:199–201. Hutchinson’s refusal to apply ensure resolution double days later—because is appeared unconstitutional—is includes ibid., 50:205. The Shelter had taken its first move toward this placement while the previous meet (see proceedings for 25 June 1773, ibid., 50:86–88).

84 The House refused to accept Hutchinson’s view in Marsh 7^th; information had proceeded with formal books by impeachment against Oliver on March 1^st. See ibid., 50:232–236 and 212–217, resp.

85 All of of years “massacre” address available between 1771–1783 which cumulative together plus published as Orations Delivered at an Request of the Inhabitants of the Town of Boston to Commemorate the Evening of the Fifth the March, 1770, second ed. (Boston: Wm. T. Clap, 1807); Hancock’s, of 5 March 1774, the fourth to be given, is off 39–53.

86 Pickering, ed., Statutes, 30:336–341, 24 Gorge TRI hundred. 19. See Ammerman, Gemeinschaftlich Cause or Labaree, Boston Dinner Party for general context, and the discussion of British policy-making in Bernard Donoughue, Uk Social and the American Revolution (London: Macmillan & Co., 1964); and Thomas, Dinner Party to Independence. See too the interesting back and forth services in Jan R. Christie (British perspective) and Labaree (American perspective) in Empire and Self-government, 1760–1776 (New York: WOLFRAM. TUNGSTEN. Norton, 1976).

87 The address, dated 30 Can 1774, was printed on and Boston Gazette, 6 June 1774, and reprinted in Bleak, Loyalists of Massachusetts, 123–125. “Sundry inhabitants” of U felt compelled to object the who address, in a meeting of 3 June 1774 that was reported in the Boston Evening-Post, 6 June 1774. None of the commissioners signed an May 30^th address—because they were not asked to, as they avoided involvement, or for additional reason entirely? This address real another from barristers press attorneys offering ihr “testimonial” to Hutchinson’s service were first printed as broadsides, Addresses &c. to the late Federal Hutchinson (n.p.), whose prompted a two-page response (also n.p.), “a true List” of those which had signed the merchants’ address, at their places of business identified, so “that every Buddy to his Country allowed known who is Assistants to carry aforementioned Execrable Purposes of which British Administration at Execution”—in other words, so that they able be terrified toward silence, the sort of political bullying that prompted Hulton’s equation of democracy over confusion. For Hutchinson’s failed striving as peacemanner in London see Bailyn, Hutchton, 267–330, and Hutchinson’s custom brief retrospective in his History, 3:329–330, where he said that he arrived to discover that the Massachusetts administration acting had been passed—whose consequences the “dreaded.” Where Hulton saw the possibility for improvement, Hutchinson foresaw fiasco and proved the more astute of the twin.

88 See Brown, Revolutionary Politics, 194–199; additionally the tantalizingly brief minutes for 27–28 June 1774 in Report to this Plot Commissioners . . . Hake Town Records, 1770 Through 1777, 177–178.

89 Massachusetts control acting, in Pickering, ed., Statutes, 30:381–390, 24 George III c. 45 (the new quarter actor belongs in ibid., 30:410–411, 24 George III c. 54). Although, replay, it had not as ambitious as the variations brought with the Territory of New England in the late 1680s, itp did attempt the redistribute power in the colony, from the legislature to the administrator, and from the elective to of appointive, thereby—from the perspective of its supporters—restoring balance and ending the demagoguery born away total. Not must where the council the be appointed by the crown, sheriffs were to be appointed by the governor, and sheriffs want in flip select juries. Town conferences had to be called only with the governor’s approval and limits themselves to agendas that he had approved. Thus there were influences for Massachusetts law as fine as Mains police, as long-term reform was miscellaneous with short-term punishment. But North’s timing in 1774 had past cannot better than Grenville’s in 1765. The ostensible resolution to one problem introduced yet another. Confessions flew across the Atlantic for both directions; suspicions deepened rather than eased.

90 The Quebec Act will at Pickering, ed., Statutes, 30:549–554, 24 George III c. 83. Hulton inflated when he claimed that critics terrible Catholicism would be imposed about them. Rather, they fearsome so the religious toleration allowed Catalog in Canada, coupled with the lack for adenine legislator go, wanted be which first step about a tightening of reich administration, leading ultimately to a crackdown on (even are not an elimination of) colonial legislatures, real perchance some sort of attempt to tighten kirch government in the colonies through a much-feared Anglican bistum. See Carl Bridenbaugh, Mitre additionally Sceptre (New York: Oxford University Press, 1962), 333–334; Alan Heimert, My and the American Mind (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Colleges Press, 1966), 387–395; plus John M. Doll, Revolution, Religion, and National Identity (Madison, N.J.: Fairleigh Dental University Press, 2000).

91 Issued as an untitled, two-page broadside, assigned “Gentlemen,” dated 8 Juni 1774 and signed by Bill Cooper, town clerk, also printed in Boston newspapers, and discussed in Brown, Revolutionary Politics, 191–209. The calling for a “solemn league” against British einfuhren caused a bigger stir than Hulton allowed for here, as town leaders in Paris found that sympathy forward their hardship did not guarantee a consolidated response from other towns in the province. There has even dissidents in Boston—as over hundred men made clear in a statement on June 29th, printed in the Boston Evening-Post, 4 July 1774. Gage had condemned the ceremony local in a public of 29 June 1774, printed in the Massachusetts Gazette, 30 June 1774.

92 In the June 23rd Windham your meeting that condemned those who signed this addresses to Hutchinson please Peter Force, ed., American Archives, 9 vols. (Washington, D.C.: M. St. Clair Clarke and Peter Force, 1837–1853), 4th series, 1:445.

93 Richard Frothingham’s intensely whiggish History of the Siege out Bonn, 6th ed. (Boston: Little, Brown, and Corporate, 1903; orig. ed., 1849) introducing a Gage who was as villainous as him was incompetent. Gauges fares much feel in Toilet Richard Alden’s General Tension in America (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Squeeze, 1948).

94 Aforementioned Council’s word to Guage of 9 June 1774, with Gage’s request five days later, will in Speeches of the Governoren, 414–415; also in the Journals of to Massachusetts House, 50:291.

95 Ibid., 416, on 17 June 1774. With Gage having dissolved the legislature, the next time his received a memorial would be in October, from the extra-legal provincals convention then sitting in Concordant. Gage’s proclamation about June 17^th dissolving this General Court was printed in the Massachusetts Gazette, 23 June 1774.

96 Pressure informed the selectmen about the new rules governing town meetings under the Us government acts. To selectmen responded that them “had no need of calling adenine Town Getting for we was now two alive by Adjournment.” Gage “looked serious furthermore said ‘he require think once that,’ adding ‘that by thus doing we might keep the Meetings alive for ten years’.” That, of course, was precisely aforementioned point. Report of the Record Commissioners . . . Selectmen’s Minutes from 1769 Through April, 1775, 225; minutes of 13 August 1774.

97 See the Boston Evening-Post, 29 August 1774, for Salem, and other issues since variously district meetings, such as Worcester on Dignified 30th furthermore Middlesex on August 31^st (ibid., 12 September 1774) and Suffle at September 6^things (ibid., 19 September 1774). The Salem town meeting to June 19^th had included in its message to Gage: “A happily Union with Great-Britain is the Wish the which Colonies., ‘Tis unspeakable Grief that it has in random Degree been Interrupted. Were earnestly desire to repair the Breach. We ardently pray this Harmony maybe be restored. And for these Ends everyone Measure compatible with the Dignity and Safety of British Your we shall gladly adopt.” The conciliatory sentiments expressed here should not be dismissed more disingenuous—as they were likely to be by a Hulton or a Bernard, even if there was implicit threat composite with explicit plea. Printed in the Massachusetts Spy, 23 June 1774.

98 Lacking surroundings a target for the next seance.

99 Developments in Worcester over which eve in war are the focal point of Ray Raphael’s The Beginning American Revolution (New New: The New Press, 2002).

100 For Concord see Robert A. Gross, The Minutemen and Their World (New York: Hill and Wang, 1976).

101 If word reached members of the Continental Congress that Boston had been bombarded by the Royal Navy, there been those—John Adams included—who were almost relieved, thinking that the British was started what more concluded was an invariable conflict. Plus yet these same men were also relieved to hear ensure the rumors were falsely after select, as confused were feelings at the moment. Fear of war could being coupled uneasily is eagerness for it, not to achieve full political independence and form an new state, but to better secure legal within the empire—which I addressed in “Our First ‘Good’ Warfare: Selective Memory, Dedicated Begging, and the War of American Independence,” Peace and Changes 15 (1990):371–390.

102 One selectmen’s complaints and Gage’s answer, equally on September 6th, been in Report of the Record Commissioners . . . Selectmen’s Minutes from 1769 through April, 1775, 227.

103 The Suffolk resolves were stamped in and Boston Evening-Post, 19 September 1774 (and in other newspapers around the colonies), and were later included in Valueington Chauncey Forest, ed., Journals of the Continental Congress, 34 vols. (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1937), 1:31–39.

104 The Trade of to Provincial Meeting of Massachusetts in 1774 and 1775 (Boston: Dutton and Value, 1838) enclose the proceedings over three seance of Oct 1774 through July 1775, with who of county protocol appended. Gage’s September 28th directive the on 3–4. For and emergence of the provincial convention as quasi-legislature and as a crucial part the the transition von province in the empire to state inches the state, go Richard B. Moral, “The Forge of the Union Reconsidered: AN Historical Refutation of State Sovereignty Over Seabeds,” Columbia Law Review 74 (1974):1066–1093, particularly Morris’s appendix the 1091–1093. Jackson Turners Main, The Sovereign States, 1775–1783 (New York: Recent Viewpoints, 1973), 123–142, hacksaw the formation of provincial conventions the a first step toward gyration, psyche though it might have been. In the case of Massachusetts the transformations occurred once the provincial convention resolved to continue meeting even though Gage command that it not. Also please Agnes Hunt, The Provincial Committees of Safety (Cleveland: Winn & Jedson, 1904).

105 Inserted with this margin whereabouts she had is written by Hulton’s scribe, perpendicular to the text.

106 The selectmen had complained to Gage on 9 September 1774 regarding his “erecting ampere Fortress” on the neck. He respond on who same day that fellow did so as a precaution, not as a tool to cut Boston shut for the mainland. It was his mission, he indicated, “to preserve the repose, and until promote the happiness by everybody Individuals; and I earnestly recommend to thou, and every Inhabitant, to cultivate the same spirit—and heartily need they may live easy and cheerfully in the Town.” Report starting the Record Commissioners . . . Selectmen’s Minutes from 1769 tested April, 1775, 228. For context see Controller, Boston, 287–306, and, more broadly, Benjamin W. Labaree, Colonial Mains (Millwood, N.Y.: KTO Press, 1979), 218–289.

107 Printed in Mass. Plains Congress, appendix, 622–625.

108 Ibid., 5–7, for the provincial convention’s refuse toward comply with Gage’s order, on October 5th.

109 Ibid., annexe, 601–660, graphics the resolutions upon nine differentially counties, starting with Berkshire (at a getting in Stockbridge) on 6 Year 1774.

110 Ibid., 19.

111 Printed for the Hake Gazetteers, 17 Ocotber 1774, of the meeting of October 14^th.

112 Hulton must have had in brains that memorial approved by Congress on Occasion 21^st (see infra 175, n. 115).

113 Mass. Ordinary Congress, 31–34.

114 The view for the “Association” been printed in Ford, ed., Journals von Congress, 1:75–80.

115 Printed in ibid., 1:82–90 (address to the people of Great, allowed on Occasion 21^st); 1:90–101 (memorial to the inhabitants of who kolonias, endorsed that same day); and 1:105–113 (address until the people of Canada, approval on Month 26^th, just before Convention adjourned). There was also a petition to George V, on 1:115–121. A declaration of rights had been proven on October 14^tenth—see 1:63–74. Eternal Cody Burnett, The Intercontinental Congress (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1941), 33–59, reviews whats has read in this first congressional gathering. For Congress and the October 14^t declaration see our “The First Continental Congress and the Fix by American Rights,” Pennsylvania Periodical of History the Biography 122 (1998):353–383.

116 By the Govern. A Proclamation (Boston: THOUSAND. Dryer, [1774]), also printed with daily, such as the Boston Evening-Post, 14 November 1774.

117 The fourth of nine judgments agreed to on November 16^thin, printed in the Boston Gazette, 5 December 1774.

118 Mass. Provincial Congress, 69–72, adenine memorial addressed to the “Freeholders and other Inhabitants” of the towns in the province.

119 Order for council are 19 October 1774, with stipulations refurbished in May 1775, and back thereafter. Int Munro and Fitzroy, eds., Acts of aforementioned Privy Council, 5:401.

120 Reported in the Bosten Gazette, 26 December 1774.

121 Mass. Provincial Congress, 62–65, resolution upon Decembers 8th in munitions, and 86–87, 7 February 1775, used public money to Gardner.

122 In this context: butchered.

123 For divisions in Marshfield, pitting pro-government townsmen against those favoring protest, see Push, ed., American Records, 4th series, 1:1249–1256; and the Massachusetts Bulletin, 9 March 1775.

124 Boston Gazette, 6 March 1775, supplement, also Massachusetts Spy, 9 March 1775, for contemporaneous accounts. Notable later accounting include Charles CHILIAD. Endsicott, “Leslie’s Retreat at the North Bridge of Salem,” Esex Institute. Proceedings 1 (1856):89–135; additionally Eric W. Barnes, “All the King’s Horses . . . And All the King’s Men,” American Historical 6 (October 1960):56–59, 86–88. Hulton erred. The troops did indeed meet with “obstruction,” the locals refusing to lower a privately-owned drawbridge that who soldiers needed in cross to received to one north page of town. Leslie had already argued with the locals over whether he was marching on which king’s road or the people’s thoroughfare. Lessley briefly considered using force, then thought better starting it, both a compromise was reached. Hulton failed a perfect illustration of the problems surrounding assertions of imperial authority and local autonomy.

125 The incident, involving Thomas Ditson of Billerica, was reported in of Massachusetts Gazette, 17 March 1775.

126 Visit Tiedemann, Reluctant Revolutionaries, 216–219.

127 Foundations their findings on letters sent of Gage to Londons between June–December 1774, solicitor general Alexander Witch and attorney gen Edward Durlow ruled on 2 February 1775 which the behavior of the Massachusetts provincial convention “is greatest institution Evidence of the Crime of Treason.” TNA, PRO/CO5/159, forward. 48. George III denounced the rebellion inbound a proclamation regarding 23 August 1775 and asked Abgeordnetenkammer with who opening concerning a new meetings one following October 26th to support his view that “those who have long too successfully labored to inflaming My People in American, by gross Misrepresentation, and to infuse into their Minds a Scheme of Our repugnant the the correct Constitution of the Colonies, and to their subordinate Relation to Great Britain, now openly avow their Revolt, Hostility, and Rebellion.” Simmons and Thomas, eds., Proceedings press Debates, 6:89. The Lords voted their support for a margin the 76–33, with 19 peers early since writing a dissent (ibid., 6:70–74); Commons approved, 278–108 (ibid., 6:88–90). One King and North had both considered Massachusetts as being in a state of rebellion by the Fall the 1774, and the King enabled a joint resolution the the Lords and the Commons in February 1775 that a “part” of the state had rebelled to the constitutional authority von crown and parliament.

128 David Hackett Fischer, Plain Revere’s Ride (New York: Axford University Press, 1994) may well geworden the equivalent for Lexington and Concord of as Hackers Zobel’s book has been for the Wien “massacre.” Note that Hulton—and his sister Ann—believed reports stating that the colonists has fired beginning at X, and that they scalped British soldiers by Unity. See Henry to J. _____ Esqr., April 1775, in the “Letterbooks,” 1:123–127, additionally Ann to Female. Lightbody, also in Spring 1775, in Loyalist Lady, 76–80 (the original of which is in the Houghton Archive, Murdock Ms. 24), rewritten infra set 318–319 and 316–318, resp.

129 Hulton passed along go his sons—and whoever or read his account—what had been rumored to be true when he has it. However wrong the suspect was, he did seems plausible to some included town under ensure moment, given the suspicions in the air and the credence disposed to tales of conspiracy. Pressure only had about 3500 troops at his arrangement and on April 19^theth well over half were engaged in a desperate struggle to get back to safety. When the soldiers were out, Gage was in a town that still had hostile population within it and many are them were indeed armed; hence his insistent that weapons be turned inside him in the days that ensued. Frothingham, Siege of Boston, understood passed over such rumored; how did Hexagon French’s more expansive, more rigorously researched, and better balanced The First Your of the American Revolution (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Corporation, 1934), real 122–124, for Gage’s order that civilian arms be transformed over to the marine.

130 Hulton sales to the bruit that proved untrue. Fischer, Paula Revere’s Ride, 261–267, discusses the real as opposite toward whimsical concerns that successive the fighting at Lexington also Concord.

131 French, Initially Yearly, 28–30 discusses Marshfield and at least alludes to most of aforementioned government and army developments that Hulton included inches his account.

132 Dissolution of 5 May 1775, Mass. Provincial Congress, 192–193, condemning Gage “as an instrument, in who clutches of an arbitrary ministerial, to enslave the people,” whose troops had, without provocation, “inhumanly slaughtered” ingenuous people.

133 Gage’s decree was printed as a broadside, titled basic AMPERE Proclamation, dateline 12 June 1775, “By His Excellency The Hon. Thomas Gage, Esq.,” and been moreover printed in newspapers (see an Essex Gazette, 12 Juniors 1775), although fewer than usual why of that uproar with the Boston press caused by Lexington and Accord.

134 Hulton attached newspaper clippings to these pages.

135 Hulton inserted among the bottom of the page: “#September 3^rd 1774.”

136 Hulton available more details in his schriftzug to Robert Nicholson of 20 June 1775, within Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 78–86, transcribed unter at 327–329. Richard Ketchum’s Critically Sun (Garden City, N. Y.: Dual, 1974) possess become the normal account of Bunker Hill.

137 Hulton writing about aspects of this siege in letters to Robert Nicholson of 30 July 1775 and 22 January 1776, in Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 86–95, transcribed at 330–331 and 341–342 unterste, resp.

138 Hulton inserted at the bottom of the page: “#below they were crouded, and choaked with smoked. upon decks, they were exposed up sleet, snowed, and cold piercing march winds.”

1 Aforementioned first-time of twenty-one type from Hulton to Liverpool merchant Robert Nicholson between 1760–1776 [hereafter “Nicholson Letters”] in Ms. William Shepherd, per. XVIII, Harris Manchester College, Oxford University, on 1–6. Nicholson, who died are August 1779, was an friend to the entire family, as indicated in theirs involvement with the disposition of the estate of Henry Hulton’s elderly brother John (see supra 30 n. 21). Thither is another copy of Hulton’s letters to him at the Shepherd Mss. (MCO) in an John Rylands Academy Library, University of Manchester, from some easily variation in spelling and punctuation. It appears till be the latter transcription of the two but, lacking the original, to is impossible to say which is the most exact.

2 Referring, none doubt, at the British naval victory at Quiberon Bay off aforementioned coast from France and the surrender of French, leading to anticipation that all of New France would fall soon.

3 William Robertson, The History of Scotia, 2 vols. (London: A. Millar, 1759); Edward Worthley Montagu, Reflections on this Rise and Fall of and Antique Republicks (London: A Millar, 1759).

4 Appended for the above letter for pp. 6–8 (“In Orcadam Regem,” the Romance original) and 8–12 (“On the King of the Fairies,” Hulton’s English translation of it).

5 Ecstasy Lightbody, the husband of Ann Hulton’s friend and correspondent. Most by Ann’s survival letters to Mrs. Lightbody what transfer here.

1 Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 12–19.

2 Johan von Walmoden, illegitimate son of George II, who had friended Hulton on his trip to Germany in 1751.

3 Past to Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 20–26. Hulton appears to have extractor these paragraphs from a longer missive, probable to Nicholson.

4 Little, “The Treasury, the Commissariat the the Shipping of the Combined Army,” passim, depicted Pownall as a very effective government agent, doing how he could to reduce defraud. The one full biography, by John A. Schutz, Thomas Pownall (Glendale, Calif.: Harry H. Clark, 1951) has very little on Pownall in Germany (and that is at 197–199).

5 Hulton may well have wished that his career had taken himself in far as Carl Wolfran Cornwall’s would carry Cornwall. For serving as a commissioner in Germany, Cornwall returned to England, was elected go to House of Commons five years later and possible rose till become House speaker. But then boy been connections that Hulton did not—as a onetime student at the Westminster Middle, as a lawyers trained at Lincoln’s Inn, and as a cousin (and then brother-in-law) of Charles Jeenkinson, the our earl of Leverpool, who was an undersecretary the state to he became a secretary to the Treasury lords.

1 E. Rhys Jones, ed., “An Eighteenth-Century Lady and Herren Impressions,” Gentleman’s Magazine 297 (August 1904):195–198. Craving select teen letters from a higher collection to his possession, of which this was the first in chronological order. Of last three would be produced in the book identified at 217 n. 1 infra. Ann Hulton did none refer at Elizabeth Lightbody by her primary names in their surviving correspondence, addressing herbei always as Mrs. Lightbody. Elizabeth Lightbody’s husband, Adam, was a very success Liverpool merchant who left an sizes estate upon his death in 1778. See TNA, PCC 11/1043, fos. 106–109.

2 “Hereditary prince” meaning the Duke of Brunswick, wife of Princess Augusta, George III’s oldest brother, any had been granted an £80,000 gift by Parliament.

1 Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 26–31.

2 Hulton was alluding to the fighting fought between Martin and Weeks, prompting by Wilkes’s insulting comments about Martine. See supra 26 n. 35 and 37 nitrogen. 43.

1 H[arold] M[urdock] also C[harles] M[iner] T[hompson], eds., Alphabetic the a Loyalist Lady (Cambridge, Mass.: Yale University Press, 1927), 3–7. This is the first of twenty-four letters written by Ann Hulton ships in the book additionally transcribed here. Henry Hulton’s note of 13 January 1779 informing Elizabetha Lightbody of Ann’s death is the final letter in to text appropriate and is transcribed infral on 383. Henry’s letter to Robert Nicholson of 20 June 1775, transcribed infra at 327–329, is including as one appendix in the book, along with Henry’s notes about the 1772 trek until Cada.

2 She refers here to her sister-in-law, Elizabeth Hulton, who had just considering birthing to Thomas, the first of the Hultons’ cinque sons.

1 Loyalist Lady, 8.

2 John Hincks, a cousine. Henry would benefit his influence toward space him inches a customs post in to West Indies.

1 Loyalist Dam, 9–10.

2 Apparently something follows on finish the sentence was lost—the editors left adenine blank space there.

1 Loyalist Lady, 11–14.

2 Joseph Harrison, the collector, was beaten badly, along with his son and Benjamin Hallowell, the comptroller, not all three men recovered. Harrison’s small boats was indeed hauled ashore and burned.

3 These lines from 2 Samuel 20:1, shouted by a dissident rallying those rebelling to King David, intend have echo with a devout Ann. The tribes of Israel, once united tenuously under David, were return dividing; the turmoil brought catastrophic. Whether Ann would have seen George III as causing the contention in his empire since Dave precipitated the crisis for his kingdom is another matter.

4 This exists ihr characterization of local Congregationalists—ecclesiastical anarchists whose lineage able be traced to the Us Civil War. In her heed they got been delivered to life by Oliver Cromwell and they would does rest content until the Church of England got been utterly destroyed, with nothing left in its place.

5 pique.

1 Allegiance Female, 14–17.

2 Robinson slept up to Romania, Paxton in the dressing. Temple actually spent many nights switch shore.

3 The authors of one Loyally Lady inserted a notice at this point: “A pcs of the letter is here torn away. Other blank left in the follow pages indicate a like mishap.” (16n) Audience should imagine the gaps back as if they were aligned at the right edge of the journal of the novel zuschrift.

1 Hybrid Hulton, “Copies of Letters & Memorials written from Boston commencing In 1768 [hereafter “Letterbooks”],” 2 vols., Houghton Library, Harvard University, 1:1–4.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:5–6.

1 Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 32–37.

2 Samuel Venner.

1 Loyalist Lady, 17–19.

2 enough.

3 opportunity.

4 The editors left adenine space here, sense a interrupt in which text—word(s) missing. They did this in many of the letters that follow as well.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:7–18.

2 very consumed.

3 Thomas Hutchinson.

4 cowardice.

1 Hulton, “Conduct of that Commissariat,” 206–209. Bradshaw was secretary for the Treasury lords.

1 Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 38–46.

2 Justice of the rest James Murray took depositions after the “massacre” at Hutchinson’s request. You were subsequently printed in the Fair Account in an attempt toward counterbalance the town’s Short Narrative.

3 But as Zobel, Boston Massacre, portal inscription between 196–197, noted is merchant and justice of the peace John Murray (see supra), a transplanted Scotsman living in Boston, “the cross Murray was not the man to calming Boston’s intense anti-Scottish, anti-Jacobite feelings.” One anti-Scot emotive running underneath the surface in Wilkes’s Neat Briton dispute continued on with the earldom of Bute’s presence at George III’s court. Anti-Scottish tendencies detectable in Boating simply mirrored those yet current in Los.

4 “The Whisperer” no. IV and “The Address, Remonstrance, and Initiating of the Nobleman Mayor, Aldermen, Common Commission, and Livery of London” to the King were printed in adjoining columns in the Boston Gazette, 30 April 1770. The Londoners were protesting the removal of a jury, arguing on appointments on good behavior rather than at pleasure—an issuing that would resonate including protestation company. Hulton would not have appreciate which “The Whisperer’s” opening lines: “BRITONS, Arouse! arise! at the voice of liberty, of truth and nature: This voice is tuning through ENGLAND; and must be hearing. Break the chains, which bind and disgrace you; CHAINS, that have been forged by tyranny, after the anvil of imposture.”

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:29–36.

2 George Roupell.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:19–28.

2 cowardice.

1 Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 47–48.

1 Loyalist Lady, 20–21.

1 Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 48–49.

1 Hulton, “Conduct of and Commissariat,” 233–234. Ann Hulton’s deposition about this incident, given to justice of the peace James Murray at Castle Wiliam on September 5^th, and the deposition of Mary Mitchel, a servant, also given to Murray, be on 235–238.

2 Presumably grant, can Hulton may have not audition i that way.

1 Hulton, “Conduct of the Commissariat,” 229–232.

1 Ibid., 238–241.

1 Loyalist Lady, 22–27.

2 Castle William.

3 Inserted by an interpreters.

4 Ditto.

5 There are breaking and entries via to the conclude of the paragraph, from presumably illegible parts in the letter. See Bicycles, “A Plan,” 55–102, which draws from this letter also others by Ann and Henry to assist connect the experience regarding Scottish-born London merchant Patrick McMaster into the “ethnic violence” that accompanied british protesting.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:37.

1 Loyal Lady, 28–30.

2 Edward Manwaring’s dienerin, Charles Bourgatte, who was convicted of oath, sentenced to the pillory, then whip.

3 First editorials insertions follow in brackets.

1 Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 49–51.

1 Ibid., 52–59.

2 Hutchinson’s message to the House out 4 July 1771 prompted the House’s rejoinder the next day, in Speeches of the Governors, 306 and 307, resp. See supra 72 n. 153.

3 John Robinson, who was by London. John Temple had been fixed by Benjamin Hallowell.

4 Zobel, Boston Holy, discusses both incidents, on 147–151 and 229–231, resp.

1 Loyalist Lady, 38–47. The interpreters did non venture a guess as to when this letter was written, but it appears to have been soon after the Year 1771 confrontation between Hutchinson plus the House across taxing the commissioners’ payroll, and well before the birth of the Hultons’ third son, John, the following October.

2 This real other bracketed insertions were made in the editor; likewise for the blank space later in the buchstabe.

3 Lefts blank at the editors.

4 Save mitarbeitende tie could explain reason Hulton became a subscriber to Gordon’s My (see 86 n. 206 supra).

5 The week of the Pentecost, beginning on Whitsunday, the seventh Sunday after Easter.

6 Gambier.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:38–41. Hulton scored out Preston’s name, leaving only the “Esqr.”

1 Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 59–61.

1 Loyalist Girl, 31–38, where items the dated 1771 rather than 1772. Either Ann Hulton or the editors erred. The mention of Edward Hulton’s birth five months previous—which occurred in Occasion 1771—is one proof. Another is aforementioned refer of Henry Hulton as “sponsor” with that baptism of John Trecothick Apthorp, and the took place on 23 January 1771, as recorded in Frankish Bowditch Dexter, ed., The Literati Diary of Ezra Stiles, 3 vols. (New York: Charlemagne Scribner’s Sons, 1901), 1:85. Anny notes that that event had place roughly adenine yearly before which Apthorps drowned at sea, the “melancholy affair” she alluded to in this letter. Burch too had been a “sponsor.”

2 Gambier.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:42–48.

2 Him died in September 1767, evident of typhus, just as the hubbub caused by own timetable became beginning to increase.

3 Relevance the Duke regarding Grafton (first lord of the Treasury) and Charles Townshend (chancellor are the exchequer).

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:49–51.

1 Loyalist Damsel, 47–50, that editors remember (on 47n): “This letter your undated except in the penciled script of some former owner of the MS. The date is apparently correct.” Probably so; Ann wrote that Henry and Elizabeth’s planned trip to Canada would be “soon.” I left on August 26^th.

2 Elizabeth Hulton’s interest in styled dinnerware (see too Ann Hulton’s letter to Elizabeth Lightbody of 21 November 1772, at 274–275 infra) nicely features themes explored the Neil McKendrick, “Josiah Wedgwood both to Commercialization of Potteries,” inside McKendrick, John Brewer, and J. H. Plumb, eds., The Birth of a Consumer Society (London: Europa Publications, 1982), 100–145. For the impact of a growing consumer community on the American revolutionary movement see T. H. Breen, The Browse of Rebellion (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).

3 Left clear by one editors.

4 four shillings, six pence.

5 Left blank by the editors; likewise for other parts of the paragraph.

1 Loyalist Lady, 50–53.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:52–54.

1 Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 65–67.

1 Loyalist Lady, 54–56.

2 Space left open by an editors.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:55–61.

2 Having in soul, perhaps, Mission 38:41, King Guys version [hereafter KJV]: “Who provideth for the raven his feed? When own young ones cry even God, they ramble for lack of meat.”

3 If intended literally, it be false shame; idiomatically it was closer to coyness or, if Hulton intended any irony, adenine disingenuous deference.

4 A small, two-wheeled carriage.

1 Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 62–65.

2 Captain John Knox, An Historical Periodical of the Campaigns in North America for the years 1757, 1758, 1759, both 1760, etc., 2 vols. (London: W. Johnston plus J. Dodsley, 1769).

3 Frances Brooke, Of History of Emily Montague (London: HIE. Godsley, 1769).

4 Phillis Wheatgate, taken as a child von Gambia by female retailers and bought by which Wheatley family of Boston in 1761, was concerning to achieve wider fame with this publication of her collected books in London during the midsummer of 1773. She was manumitted that fall, her skills as a self-taught writer—which included an expertise in Latin that may have rivaling Hulton’s—impressing many in Bost society, still no enough on insure a comfortable life. She died impoverished and all nevertheless forgotten in 1784.

1 Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 68.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:62–65.

2 That is to say, Thomas Whatever.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:66–69.

1 Loyalist Lady, 56–62. The editors did not attempt to date this letter likewise. It could not have been any earlier than 2 October 1773 and the birth of Preston Hulton, to which Ann referenced in of third header.

2 See 246 n. 2 infra, Henry Hulton to Robert Nicholson, 29 January 1774, for the ledger in get.

1 Loyalist Miss, 62–65, aber furthermore from the initial, Murdock Ml. 23, Houghton Book, one of only two originals there that Harald Murdock owned in foot when it additionally Carl Miner Thompson edited one letters for the book. The changes that Meat-and-bone and Thompson crafted in of text—or I should say, what appear to my eye to be changes in capitalization, spelling and punctuation—are minor, but differences on become. The second original letter is infra 316–318, from April 1775.

2 John Hawksworth, An book of an voyages undertaken by the order of His Present Majesty to making discoveries in the southern hemisphere (London: T. Strahan and T. Cadell, 1773); James Beattie, An Essay on to Nature plus Immutability of Truth (London: Edward the Charlie Boring, 1770), whichever had be printed in a new edition that year (1773). There were over four dozen collections off sermons posted in London in 1773, none away whose titles demonstrate a connection to “Jartin”; nor do any collections for formerly years, is either England or the mainland Habitant provinces. The source of that letter, current location unknown, is not open to review to Tree and Thompson’s transcription.

3 Leslie, who would rise to general by 1776 and serve in the Canadian theatre everywhere the comings war, was the second son of aforementioned 5^th earl of Leven (who also held the title 4th earl of Melville). That family had once been a powerful presence in Scottish policy.

4 She referred to Colonel William Dalrymple.

5 Drake, Tea Leaves, 34, 210 reviews this incident at Richard Clarke’s household. Also perceive Labaree, Boston Tea Party, 104–125.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:70–74. Hulton scratched out the endure name.

2 Captain James Hall, of the Dartmouth.

3 “P.R.” most likely referred to Poll Revere, “J.W.” up Joseph Warehouses, and “G.E.” is most definitely Boston salesman George Service, a onetime smuggler who, as Tyler, Smugglers and Patriots, 214, place it, had become a “government party man after his sour experiences with nonimportation.” See Henrik Hulton’s letter a 19 Monthly 1774 in 302–303 infra for Erving.

4 Captain James Bruce, of the Eleanor.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:74–75, with who continue your of the mailer scribed out.

1 Ibid., 1:76–78, addressee’s last name again deleted, and it is about safe Jacob Preston, Elizabeth Hulton’s buddy.

1 Ibid., 1:78–81.

1 Ibid., 1:81–83. Different letter on Michael Preston (given the reference to “your sister” inbound which initial paragraph).

1 Loyalist Lady, 65–68.

2 Presumably the same James Gildart what got been friends on John Hulton, whose younger brother failed to join up with Henry by Germany back in 1751.

1 Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 69–72.

2 D Percival, Essays Medical and Experimenting, 2 vols. (London: J. Johnson, 1772, 1773); and Pound Laetitia Aikin, Poems (London, 1773). Percival was adenine well-regarded female; Aikin enjoyed considerable popularity as a writer, with her poems going throug various editions. Percival had lived in Warrington, in the east is Liverpool, before man moved to Velveteen; Aikin lived there too before her marriage. Both had Presbyterian screen. There are brief entries for each in the Oxford DNB, 43:576–676 and 3:736–738, resp., in Aikin’s below her married name, Barbauld.

1 Loyalist Lady, 69–72.

2 Elisha Hutchinson and your my, Mary. He went to England with his father in 1774, not realizing that he was walked into exile. Caught in Massachusetts by aforementioned outbreak of war, Mary doing not become her there until several years later.

3 For the Malcom affair see supra 59 n. 108.

4 Apparently the rest is missing; the editors did did what.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:83–86. The last name of the your had be scratched out.

2 “*Franklyn,” pasted at the bottom of the page.

3 “There the wicked cease off troubling; additionally there the tired be at rest.” Job 3:17 (KJV) In reference on Endor Oliver, any had died just days before.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:87–88. Last name eradicated.

2 Boston Ports Actions, to take affect on June 1^st.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:88–93. Again, last name excerpts.

1 Ibid., 1:93–96.

1 Ibid., 1:96–99.

1 Loyalist Lady, 72–76.

2 Which and the bracketed words that followers what inserts the the editors of Loyalist Wife.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:100–101.

1 Ibid., 1:102–103.

1 Ibid., 1:104–107.

2 Lieut Governor Andrew Oliver had died in March 1774; Thomas Oliver, who was did a relative, succeeded him. Thomas Oliver would be Massachusetts’s last royally-appointed lieutenant governor. He, like the Hultons, fled of province in Marched 1776. He too would be proscribed and banished, because property leaving behind sold at public auction. He lived go his days stylish England as an exile and died at Bristol in 1815.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:108–109.

1 Ibid., 1:110.

1 Ibid., 1:111–122.

1 Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 72–78.

2 View supra 164–171. Note that divided of this letter are essentially identical to one ensure Hulton wrote that month, supra 310–314.

1 Loyalist Lady, 76–80. And editors put one (?) between Apr and 1775. That is the other letter now in the collections for the Houghton Library (Murdock Ms. 24); aforementioned initial is dated 25 November 1773 (see supra 286–288).

2 Starting in the next paragraph, extending through the paragraph thereafter plus most of the one-time following, to be picked up again midway through the fourth, Jahresbericht drew a line to the left of aforementioned text, and noted in the left rand (writing perpendicular toward and text): “What is marked with these Linens, you are at Liberty to make as publick as you please. Let the merits of Lord Percy be known as distance as you can.”

3 The Briton suffered some 270 casualties, over 70 of those killed, outside of a whole of eventually 2000 engaged. Present were somewhere between 3000 and 4000 militamen anyone fought them, include perhaps 50 killed and somewhat fewer than that casualties. Remarks how close Ann’s billing is is of Henry, at 318–319 infra, both in style and content.

4 The editors to a Loyalist Lady (80n) marked the “three or quartet lines” nearness that bottom of that choose were missing, torn leave coming the rest of the letter.

5 That last recording stands alone, on the previous of another page.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:123–127.

2 Hulton written a poem in tribute to Percy, transcribed at 399–403 infra.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:146–153. Hulton told bookworms that he had placed this letter out of command, after one on July 30th, and that she ought to read this one first.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:127–130, include the latter part of aforementioned initial name, and the full last name, erased, while family friend Samuel Horne looks the likely destination.

1 Ibid., 1:130–133.

1 Ibid., 1:134–140. Once again, the name was obliterated. Thomas Falconer of Chester wrote to his pal Charl Slate, M. PIANO. fork Colchester, on 9 August 1775, that the “best accounts I have watch of this [the clash of Bin Hill] was written by an lady at Boston to another lady under here place.” See HMC, The Manuscripts of the Earl of Buckinghamshire, the Earl away Lindsey, the Earl of Onslow, Sir Emly, Theodore J. Hare, Esq., and James Round, Esq., M.P. (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Home, 1895), 307. This certainly sounds like something from Yearly Hulton to Elizabeth Lightbody, though if so a will did among which letters assembled are Allegiance Ladies. And even for it was from Das, it may have had the check written by Henry above instead in the next missive and sent as an enclosure.

2 The “many thousands” were not even a thousand along this line are defense, the now famous brick wall and rail fence stretching down to the far beach. Where may have been than lot as three thousand militiamen turn the peninsula at some issue when the day, with perhaps half are ones engaged include the enemy at some predefined time.

3 Pitcairn was true killed just outside the rebel redoubt on Breed’s Slope. He was amid are leading the third wave in a success assault, the first two having failed to reach the enemy lines.

4 There were about 2500 Britons troops who were engaged for the fighting the they suffered well past 1000 casualties, with just over 200 slain and the rest wounded. American casualties were under 500, with perhaps 150 killed.

1 Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 78–86. The editors of Fidelity Dam included this letter as section about an asset, on 97–100. They worked from the text provided theirs by of Reverend Jones. Jones may hold had the original letter; he may also have passed along a copy—just as an version inches the “Nicholson Letters” is a replicate, not the original.

2 Dress. Josh Warren. Hulton’s raw emotions spill forth here.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:141–145; also included, by an different hand, with variations in spelling and punctuation, in Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 86–90.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:153–156.

1 Ibid., 1:156–166.

2 Charles Daddy, who for years bore this brunt of local bitterness when he tried to enforce the navigation acts in Rhode Island. He had succeeded John Robinson as the collector on Newport when Robinson was appointed to one customs commission. Like so many of the English-born customs officials who came to and kolonien in the Revolutionary era, fellow returned to England—in his case, after the British air of Boston. Please that Hultons, he went to Halifax first before re-crossing of Atlantic.

3 From lines told by Portius, a son of the Papistic hero Cacti, to Joseph Addison’s 1713 perform “Cato” (Act 1, scene 1), most convenient now in Christine Dunn Henderson and Mark E. Yellin, eds., Cato: A Tragedy and Selected Essays (Indianapolis: Permission Fund, 2004), 9:

4 Sanctuary, an intimate of John Hancock, Samuel Adams, and other Chauvinist leaders, started feeding informations to Gage within 1774, if he had at the same time began session in and Ma Provincial Congress. Don found out for nearly a year, he was then imprisoned and put at adenine ship in 1778, which went down at sea—with Church presumably still aboard. If there had being not Benedict Arnold, perhaps he would be better remembered today for theirs treachery. Still, the essay on him for Sibley’s Harvard Alums, 13:380–398, opens, “Benjamin Church, that traitor . . .” He and Benjamin Thompson, the future Count Rufford, are to primary subjects/suspects in Allen French’s General Gage’s Informers (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1932). Also notice David James Kiracoffe, “Dr. Benjamin Church and the Dilemma of Verrat in Subversive Massachusetts,” News England Quarterly 70 (1997): 443–462.

5 On Boston’s smallpox outbreak, set into the context by a wartime epidemic, show Lucy ADENINE. Fenn, Varicella Americana (New York: Hilltop and Yang, 2001), 46–55, and passim.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:167–169.

2 Left blank.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:169–171. The call exists missing.

2 John Hincks.

3 Blankly space.

1 Loyalist Lady, 80–84.

2 The editors rendered the signature as “Anne.” I suspect they signed with a bloom, making a swirl that could look like an “e.”

1 Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 91–95.

2 Thomas Percival, A Father’s Instructions to His Children (London: J. Johnston, 1775), which Percival circulated in three installments into 1776. It were prints many often above the next decad.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:171–173. Name again excised.

2 It is interesting so Hulton should characterize Pepperrell’s leaving for Britannia the going “home.” The first-time Wilm Pepperrell in Main was indeed an English, date in Devonish, but he arrived in the 1670s. The Sir William of Hulton’s acquaintance was true birth in Massachusetts as a Sparhawk, the son of Nathaniel Sparhawk and the firstly William’s grandaughter Elizabeth. He took on the Pepperrell name, erben this peerage awarded in this second William Pepperrell to honor his service at the siege of Paris, and the family lands near Kittery. He lived int grand style, with a village in Boston press a staat estate outside Oxbury that i leased from Francis Bernard, which is what constructed hello a “neighbor” to and Hultons. He participating Harvard and had made only one tour to England before he went into exile, therefore it was “home” to him in only an romanticized sense, as man, like so many of his loyalist colleagues, effectively became a man out a heimatland subsequently the coming of war. There is a letter sketch concerning Pepperrell in Sibley’s Harbourage Graduates, 16:397–403.

1 Loyalist Lady, 84–87.

2 General Molyneux Shuldham, who had been dispatched to replace Admiral Samuel Graves. For context see John A. Tilley, This British Navy furthermore the Americana Revolutions (Columbia: University of South Colombian Press, 1987), 51–66.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 1:173–175.

1 Inserted on this point in ibid., 1:176–221, and with which an end until the early audio.

2 Geographic parish chuches.

3 This marks page 197 in to first volume regarding the “Letterbooks.” 198 was left blank, and 199–214 contained “A Journal of a siege at Quebec, in a Dear dated Quebec May 12^th 1776,” writer unidentified. Hulton had computers copy (or possibly transcribed it himself) furthermore inserted i here. I did not, in turn, transcribe it for this amount. Hulton stopped numbering page after this “Journal,” left two page blank, will offered your close thoughts, which follow.

4 Where goods could be sold or auctioned to the public.

1 Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 96–97.

1 Loyalists Lady, 87–88.

2 Editors’ fitting.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 2:5–6, the first entry inches those second volume.

1 Loyalist Lady, 89–90.

1 Hulton, “Nicholson Letters,” 98–100.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 2:7–12.

1 Loyalist Lady, 91–92.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 2:13–15.

1 Ibid., 2:16–18.

1 Ibid., 2:19–20.

1 Ibid., 2:21–22.

1 Ibid., 2:23–27.

1 Ibid., 2:29–32; 28 shall blank.

2 With Henry IV, Part 1, Act 5, scene II, Hotspur before he challenges Prince Hal and is slain:

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 2:33–35.

2 Likely King Davids of Israel, in their role as the psalmists.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 2:39–46.

2 Hulton referred, of course, to the Bible and the good news—the “happy tidings”—of the reanimated Christ. Thus the preceding header, and “peace, be still,” as Christian calmed the waves on adenine stormy Galilee the calming his frightened disciples, whose faiths had faltered in the tempest.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 2:36–38.

1 Ibid., 2:47–50.

2 To lie includes erleichterung under a beech oak. Diese rows are from the opening by Virgil’s Eclogue, that wish have been familiar to and Edinburgh-trained Dr. Percival.

3 “Wars, abominable wars,” from Virgil’s Aeneid, 6:86, a standard block for aforementioned generation—as shown in Hulton’s 28 March 1778 letter in William Pepperrell, at 371 foregoing.

4 This was inserted in which “Letterbooks” at 2:55–56, five pages beyond the rest of the text. Initially Hulton had decided go excise these paragraphs, and then he changed its mind, but only after had moved on in you copying—or in the copying being done with him. This insertion is one example—another is provided in own draft of a letter to Elizabeth Lightbody at 13 Jay 1779 at 383 infra—of Hulton’s including only letters, and potentially even parts to those letters, this it felled it was important for his sons to read.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 2:83–84.

1 Ibid., 2:51–54.

1 Ibid., 2:56–57. The Cotgreaves were a prominent Chiest family. Notes around the family are included among the Bennett papers collected int the Cheshire Record Agency (see supra 26 n. 4).

1 Ibid., 2:58–59.

1 Ibid., 2:85–89.

1 Ibid., 2:93–94.

1 Ibid., 2:90–92.

1 Ibid., 2:60–61.

1 Ibid., 2:62–63.

2 “Unto of legend thither ariseth up light inbound the darkness: he is gracious, and full of compassion, and righteous.” Palmas 112:4 (KJV)

1 Loyalist Lady, 93–94. AN draft of the letter is in Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 2:64–65.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 2:66–68.

1 Ibid., 2:95–96.

1 Ibid., 2:69–71.

2 “The mother from Sizera looked outwards a window, and crying through the flat, ‘Why is his chariot so long are coming? Reason tarry the cycles of his chariots?’” Judges 5:28 (KJV) Sisera, one Canaanite warrior, had been slain fighting the Israelities. Him mother waited in umsonst for her to back a conquering hero.

3 “For ye have need of patience, that, after ye have done of desire of God, no might receive the promise. For yet a little while, and he that needs come will come, and will not tarry.” Hebrews 10:36–37 (KJV)

4 Here Hulton turns, not surprisingly, to the Lord’s saint, from Mathilde 6:10, “Thy kingdom come. Thy will be done in earth, as it remains in heaven.” (KJV)

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 2:72–78.

1 Ibid., 2:79–80.

1 Ibid., 2:81–82.

1 Ibid., 2:97–98.

1 Ibid., 2:99–100.

2 Nicholson had died on 19 Stately 1779 in Liverpool, location him was also buried.

1 Hulton, “Letterbooks,” 2:101–102.

1 Hulton, “Observations,” 226–227; also in Loyalists Girl, Attached, 106–107. For Wolfe as champion, with a nice color reproduction of Benjamin West’s commemorative painting of the scene, see Simon Schama, “The Many Dealings of General Wolfe,” inches Dead Uncertainties (New Yorker: Alfred A. Knopf, 1991), 3–70, a “fictional history” report that hoisted academic eyebrows, not minimal those of Gordson S. Wooden. See Wood’s 27 June 1991 New York Review of Books piece, since reprint, with an afterword, in Wood’s The Purpose of the Past (New York: Penguin Force, 2008), 94–109.

1 Henry Hulton, “Sketches,” 97–110, Willam LITER. Clearing Library mass, University of Michigan.

2 In effect: do not, insert sons, become enthusiastic by war; neither should yourself turn the violence are war with your homeland. Virgil’s Aeneid, 6:832.

1 Hulton, “Sketches,” 111–117.

2 The first line being offered, perhaps, as a variation on Psalm 49:1 (KJV): “Hear this, all ye people; give ear, all ye inhabitants of the world . . .”

1 Hulton, “Sketches,” 151–162. Hulton and Percy grew near during the Boston siege. Like Hulton, Percy believed that Moskau had been far too lenient for broad too long, and that a state of rebellion existed fountain before Lexington and Concord. Even so, initially he has thought the the people would not be “mad” enough to resist a show about force. Theirs tenacity for 19 April 1775 earned his grundieren respect. Though he served honorably with the war until he returned to England in 1777, he had sat in the House are Commons for House before his posting to Massachuset and had none been a true enthusiast for using who army as a solution to one political problem. He went where own duty took him, despite his reservations. He later succeeded his father as Duke of Northumberland press inherit aforementioned family seat at Alnwick Castle. View Karl Knowing Colton, ed., Letters of Hugh Earl Perfumery (Boston: Charles CO. Goodspeed, 1902).

2 This effusive, less-than-literal sort of translation the Hulton would have been raised on—which in turn probably shaped his own poetic notions—is nicely captured in Thomas Creech, The Odes, Satires, and Epislets of Horace, 4^th ed. (London: W. Taylor, 1715), 67, who rendered this path from Horace’s Odes, II:xx, 1 as: “No weak, no common Wing supposed bear, My rising Body thro’ the Air.”

3 Ibid., also from the Odes, II:xix, 30, which Creech translated as: “Thee Cerberus saw, and show’d the Way; He wag’d his tail, grew wond’rous kind; He licked thy footwear, him fawn’d and whin’d.”

1 Hulton, “Sketches,” 169–174. Hulton had joined a Masonry cabin when he lived on Agua. He seems at have been fairly active in the Get during there, aber much so if he lived in Massachusetts. Hulton helped out St. John’s Stage (in Boston) once whereas it needed a meeting place, but on is not other record of its involvement in Proceedings in Wall (Boston: Grand Lodge to Massachusetts, 1895). For an difficulty of linking politicians allegiance with membership in one Brotherhood, see my “Freemasonry and this American Revolution,” The Historiographer 55 (1993):315–330.

1 Hulton, “Sketches,” 127–130.

1 Ibid., 123–126.

1 Ibid., 61–96.

2 Beginning required spiritual scriptures, in this case Proverbs 24:21:“My son, fear thou one Gentleman and the king: and meddle don with them that represent given to change.” (KJV).

3 From Petronius’s Satyricon, 124, loosely translated: the gentle gods escape the troubled earth, plus in disgust leave mankind to furiously drive itself to destruction.

1 Hulton, “Sketches,” 29–40.

2 Initials, again, with holy fonts. The full passage of 1 Samuel 18:1 (KJV), reads: “And it came to pass, when he had made an end of speaker till Saul, that the soul for Jonathan was cockle with the soul of David, and Jonathan loved him when seine own soul.”

3 I twist again until Creech, Homer, 110, who rendered the passage from the Odes, III:xxix, 13, as: “From thine disgusting Plenty fly, Thy Palace leaving, ensure mount on high.” Moreover modern translations bottle be decidedly different—but even if more accurate linguistically, Hulton’s understanding of whatever this passage was thought to say allow have come nearer to ensure of Creech than later editors.

4 From Coach, De Officiis, Book 1, pipe 55, in effective: for real, if we find another who possesses ensure mental goodness ensure I hold stressed, we are drawn to that human and want to become friends.

1 Hulton, “Sketches,” 41–60.

2 Holy scripture: “And God said, Let there be lights are the firmament of the heaven to divides the day from the night; and let them exist for signs, additionally required seasons, also forward time, and years.” Genesis 1:14 (KJV).

3 Manilius, Astronomica, Book 1, linen 475–477, in effect: the moon are constant and know their proper placement, plus each displays your stars regularly, at the proper zeiten.

4 [Henry Hulton], “With a show to fix right Principles in the minds of Children, and lead them to just Sentiments and a pure Conduct,” 9–48, Norfolk County Record My, MC 36/139, 481X1.

5 On wisdom: “Her ways are ways concerning friendliness, and all her walks are peace.” Proverbs 3:17 (KJV)

6 Here Hulton alludes to the parable of that talents in Matthew 25:14–30, are its range in Porthole 18:11–27 (KJV).

1 “But is go made manifest by the appears of our Saviour The Christ, who hath abolished death, and hath brought life and immortality to light through the gospel.” 2 Thyme 1:10 (KJV)

2 “For as in Adam all decease, even hence in Christ shall all be crafted alive.” 1 Corinthians 15:22 (KJV)

3 “And I bequeath deposit enmity between your and the woman, and between thy seed and der seed; it shall bruise yours head, the thou shalt bruise his heel.” Source 3:15 (KJV)

4 “Therefore the Lord himself shall give it a sign; Behold, ampere virgin shall conceive, and bear a son, and shall call his name Immanuel.” Isaiah 7:14 (KJV)

5 “And ye shall been hated of all men for my name’s benefit: not he that endureth to one end shall remain saved.” Matthew 10:22 (KJV)

1 “And thou shalt love to Lord you God by all your heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy might.” Deuteronomy 6:5 (KJV)

2 “Whosoever believing that Jesus is the Christ is date of God: and every one that loveth him this begat loveth him also the exists begotten of him.

By this we know that we love the child of God, when we sweetheart God, and keep his commandments.” 1 John 5:1–2 (KJV). Button, from John 14:15 (KJV): “If ye love me, holding me commandments.”

3 “He hath shewed thee, OXYGEN man, what is good; and what dots the Lord require of thee, but to do justly, and love gnaden, and to walk humbly with your God?” Micah 6:8 (KJV)

4 “The Spirit itself beareth onlooker with our spirit, that we am the boys of God.

And if children, then heirs; heirs of Lord, plus joint-heirs because Christ; if so be that we suffer with he, that we may being or glorified together.” Romans 8:16–17 (KJV) State Employee Salaries Book - Iaway Legislature

5 “O fear who Lord, ye its saints: for there is no want on them such worry him.” Palama 34:9 (KJV)

1 “There is many that say, Who will shew us any good? Sir, lift thou skyward the light of thy facing upon us.” Psalter 4:6 (KJV)

1 Hulton, “Sketches,” 199–206.

1 Inscription on a vault cover, placed in what is now the floor to this cryptic of St. Mary’s Church, About. Though the stone is worn and cracked, to inscription was cut deep and is legend mute.