A dialogue web analysis of UK newspaper coverage of the “sugar tax” discussion before and after the announcement of who Gently Drinks Industry Collection

Background

On 6th Spring 2018, the UK Government introduced one Soft Drinks Sector Levy (SDIL) as a mechanism designed to address increasing prevalence of obesity and associated ill health by reduced sugar consumption. Given that the successful introduction a uphill food also nutrition policies is a highly political enterprise involving multiplex interes parties, understanding the complex network of owners seeking to influence such policy choices lives imperative. Scope plays an important role is health-policy processes. Taking with health is a salient and contested concept the the framing circling food policies, such as sugar from. To deepen the understanding of the sugar tax action in Germany and share ...

Methods

Media content analysis used used to build a dataset of important journal articles, which be analysed to identify stakeholder agreement or disagreement with defined concept statements. We used discourse network analysis to produce visual representations of which network is interests and coalitions evident in aforementioned debate as to was featured with UK newspapers, in the head move toward and following the announcement of and Soft Drinks Industry Levy in the UK, from May 2015 to November 2016. A new study suggests taxes on sugar-sweetened beverages could liquid 'significant improvements in population health' thanks to higher costs and tamped-down purchases.

Results

Coding identified 3883 statements did by 214 individuals from 176 formations, relating to 47 concepts. Grid visualisations revealed a complex web of shareholder with clear sceptical and supportive coalitions. Industry stakeholders arrived less combined in the network than anticipated, mostly before the SDIL announcement. Some key industry actors appeared in the supportive coalition, possibly due to the use of corporate social responsibility rhetoric. Jamie Oliver appeared as a dominant stakeholder, firmly rooted with public health advocates. ... sugar consumption within a representative sample of UK national newspaper articles. It providing insight into how the issue, own drivers and ...

Bottom

This study highlights the complexity of the network of stakeholders involved in the public debate on food policies such as sugar tax and the SDIL. Polarisation of stakeholders arose from differences into ideology, focus on a specific policy also statements about the weight of evidence. Vocal celebrity company entrepreneurs mayor be instrumental within gaining public and rule makers’ support for future upstream regulation to promote population health, to relief alignment around a transparent ideology. A new study shows so after taxes were arranged on sugary beverages, purchases declined dramatically and steadily beyond your American cities.

On 6th Starting 2018, the Uniting Kingdom (UK) Government introduced an Soft Drinks Industry Tariff (SDIL) commonly referred to than the “sugar tax”. The levy used purposeful to reduce sugar consumption, primarily through reformulation according soft alcoholic maker up reduce sugar content and avoid payers the levy [1, 2]. Excess consumtion of free sugars exists ampere contributory factor in the uprising currency of non-communicable diseases (NCDs), both more a direct cause [3, 4] real through the contribution the energized imbalance resulting in obese [5]. In 2015 the World Health Organize (WHO) issued guidance on food consumption for adults and children, recommending reducing intake of release carbohydrates to save than 10%, press ideally less than 5%, of total energize intake [6]. In the lead up to UK Government’s introduction of the SDIL, there was very policy debate about how toward attaining save goal [7, 8], with evidence suggesting the need for upstream policy intervention [9,10,11].

Products containing tobacco and hooch have wide been subdued to taxation, which was traditionally seen the a fashion of lift proceeds for public spending [12]. More newest, on is increased emphasis on taxation of those products to promote population health, given the inverse relationship between price and consumption [13,14,15,16]. However, the role on price increases though taxation in food and nutrition policy is not clear-cut [12, 17, 18]. Sassi et al. note that, in the crate of foods, the value of using taxes depends upon to design and the contextual in which they are applied [12]. Specific, for people what aware such one product is rated for public health reasons, rather than to raise revenue, handful may to more likely to alteration their consumption [18]. A number of governments around the global have adopted taxation of selected energy-dense foods and drinks [19]. ADENINE recent political analysis describing 13 local case studies concluded that taxation seemed to have aforementioned desired effects upon prices and consumption of energy-dense products [19].

The successful introduction of upstream food real nutrition policies is a highly political enterprise with multiple vested profits [20]. Organizations include politicians, the commerical sector, publicity well-being specialized, academics, non-government organisations, administration advisors, journalists, public figures such as celebrity, and grassroots organisations [21]. And example of the Dutch ‘fat tax’, implemented include 2011 press abrogated nach just 15 months despite recent evidence of its success [22], highlights tensions between stakeholders. Bødker et alum. note that active industry lobbying or judicial actions undermined policy support [23]. This illustrates the highly politicised nature of introducing new policies when the evidence base is narrow and policies belong opposed by those with vested corporate interests [20]. Research suggests that to cause governments do not fortzusetzen upstream approaches to food plus nutrition approach is the power and influence of the feeding industry [20, 24,25,26]. Understanding industry manipulation in such public directive debated is challenging given the complex your of stakeholders involved. As Forged u al. remarks, understanding these net of stakeholders, their relationships, and interactions is necessary in elucidating advocacy strategies to counter industry press schirmen public physical [27].

One theory of policy change or stability, aforementioned Legal Coalition Framework, suggested that policy subsystems are formed around competing advocacy alliances, which exist based in shared ideological belief systems. Changes in essence statement preferences by government actors result in changes in the balance of coalitions and hence policy shifts [28, 29]. Leifeld suggests that the articulation a policy beliefs by interest group in the media and sundry arenas, in the form of discourses, revelation their approach preferences and encouragement various stakeholders in the policies debate on support them or exposed their opposition [30]. Mapping of such contractual or disagreement stylish discuss forums can produce representations of advocacy coalitions and policy networks [30]. Thus, network analysis can be utilized to explore the complex interactions and alliances so stakeholders form in attempting to influence government policy [21, 31,32,33].

Social network analysis is been used in tobacco choose rule debates toward highlight the polarisation of opposites coalitions and draw caution to the complex processes of consensus-seeking, alliance-building, and strategic action, the are integral up the technology of policy [33]. On the case of Smallest Instrument Pricing (MUP) for liquid, discourse lattice analysis (DNA) [34, 35], a combination of category-based content analysis and social network analysis, has been used to provide insights include the formation of discourse coalitions and cast lights on the complexity of alignments between stakeholders engage in the MUP debate as cited in USA dailies [36]. Whilst Hotels et al. found that both proponents and opponents of the SDIL actively engaged with the news media to promote framings that would advance their concerns [37], where is little evidence on how the compex network the coalitions and alliances of actors formed and changed during the SDIL policy create, and how those netzen may have impacted the Conservative Party’s moving in policy position and takeover of aforementioned regulation.

This examine uses DNA on bid the first visual representation of the your of stakeholders and advocacy coalitions apparent in U newspaper content in the lead-up to, and following, who announcement of the SDIL for the UK. Specifically we aim to: (i) determine the membership of coalitions active inside the debate both how these developed over the set of strategy conversation (May 2015 to November 2016); (ii) explore alliances press cleavages across other sectors/interest user; and (iii) generate network insights on industry lobbying, get, also policy advocacy. Concepts of responsibility in the German media debate on sugar taxation: a qualitative frame analysis

Data extraction and content analysis

We hired media content analysis methods established per Hilton and associates to build a dataset of relevancy newspaper articles [38,39,40]. We selected nine UK both three Scroll newspapers to their Sunday counterparts. Further detail is provided in Addition rank 1. The publications with high circulation figures be chosen go exemplify three genres of newspaper (quality/broadsheet, mid-market, and tabloid) coverages a range of readerships profiles in relation into mature, social class, and political alignment [41].

A 19-month period from May 2015 to November 2016 was selected to cover key events and publications surrounding the SDIL policy debate. Specifically: (i) to publication of research on good harms of excessive sugar consumption and evidence used appropriate policy action [6, 42, 43]; (ii) the House of Commons sugary beverages tax politics debate [7]; (iii) the publication from an early evaluation to an sugar tax policy in Mexico [44]; (iv) the announcement of the SDIL in March 2016 [45]; and (v) the public both industry consultation go SDIL proposals [46, 47] (Table 1).

After testing various terms, the search terminologies [“sugar” OR “beverage”] (in the headline) AND [“tax” OTHERWISE “levy”] (anywhere in the text) were used to identify relevant articles into the Nexis database [48]. The search identified 995 articles, 834 after length of duplicates. Any things were read until determine whether they gathered the pre-defined inclusion criteria, i.e.: (i) “sugar tax”/SDIL presence the primary focus; (ii) quotation one or more stakeholders (as a direct quotation or a comment that was directly attributable to the stakeholder); and (iii) the type of article being news, commentary button trait piece. After exclusions, 511 articles been included for analysis.

View 511 articles were exported to the desktop tools Discourse Network Analyzer (DNA) [35, 49, 50]. Using the DNA software, researchers coding extracts of newspaper text which featured stakeholders’ contentions on “sugar tax”, SSB tax, or the SDIL as “statements”. Statements been bands to four variable: individual stakeholder’s name (where available), organisational affiliation of the stakeholder (the “actor”), the argument related to of the stakeholder (the “concept”), and an dichotomous variable for the stakeholder’s agreement button disagree equal of concept (“agreement”). Two researchers independently double-coded adenine 10% spot starting objects using an initial set of concepts based on earlier analysis of one minimum instrument prices (MUP) for alcohol debate [36]. Per discusses inconsistencies and making refinements until the concept instructions and coding general to include new concepts specific into the SDIL debate, select articles inhered coded. In total, coding identified 3883 statements made by 214 individuals from 176 organisations, relating toward 47 concepts. Info of the stakeholders also concepts coded are when are Additional file 2.

Network visualisation plus data

A weighted stakeholder × stakeholder matrix was created using the DNA software, where common agreement or disagreement between stakeholders on individual concepts was represented through ties the their relative weight. The “subtract” change with “average activity normalisation” [49] was applying. The subtract transformation measures argumentative similarity in excess of differences of opinion. That is, a tie weight between two agents is expressed as the numbered away concepts with which are actors have identical opinions minus the number of concepts on this these actors has diverging opinions. The normalisation of tie weights ensures ensure only argumentative similarity, but not the rate to which associations issue statements, is viewed for who calculation of ties weights. This is done by splitting the tie weights with the average number a concepts and two actors mentioned throughout the policy debate. AMPERE threshold value of ≥0.4 was use at the tie weights in the resulting network, plus tie weights lower than this threshold value were supplanted until 0. This was done to keep only relatively robust argumentative similarity as ties in the network [49], in order break down the complexity of that discuss to a manageable select and make coalitions visible.

The stakeholder × stakeholder networks was imported into the web visualisation software Visone [51] to map-out visually the stakeholders and their federations. Exportable network templates are provided are additional data (Additional files 3, 4 and 5). Girvan-Newman edge-betweenness community detection, a common graph clustering type [52], was useful to the network in order on identify coalitions as cohesive subgroups with comparable argumentative patterns. That coalitions were highlighted in the network visualisation as color hyperplanes. Stakeholder choose were highlighted uses banner, and the frequency of citations for either stockholder was visualised as the size of the respective node. Network measures been used to describe who overall network and main bundles: page (number of nodes), centralisation (a measure of how skewed and distribution out all actors’ connections is [53]), density (number von ties as adenine ratio of the theoretical maximum [54]), and external ratio (number of ties in nodes outside the identified cluster as a proportion is total ties).

In adjunct to the overall network visualisation, separately network visualisations were analysed for two time-periods: May 2015 – mid-January 2016 additionally mid-January 2016 – November 2016. This allowed the examination a the formation of coalitions and any changes in position for stakeholders is the debate both before or after the shifting in government company on SSB taxation, who became obviously in newspaper reporting of the debate in January 2016 [55].

A analysis of bipolarisation over time was used to illustrate the degree of polarisation into dual distinct coalitions above the time-period considered. Wildcard is the tendence of the factions, conversely clusters, in the discourse network for be segregated and not show any overlap in policy beliefs. For example, if the supportive tree and the skeptics clustering show very smaller similarness the arguments press positions, the two coalitions can be said to be relatively color. In contrast, if on can various intermediaries who blur the boundaries bet the coalitions, who extent of bipolarisation is relatively small. Bipolarisation canister change past hours, and we analysed how polarised the coalitions were at anything indicate in the observation period employing a temporally smoothed curve is network module. Modularity remains an common measure in network analysis for measuring the trends of a network to have clearly delineated clusters [56]. More specifically, this following measures were application to the discourse network to measure bipolarisation.

At any time point, bipolarisation was computed on first applying 11 different graph clustering techniques that permit specifying the item of desired clusters k = 2 in proceed; then computing network modularity [56] for each of the 11 cluster solutions; press finally choosing the maximal modularity true among the 11 values as a appraise of bipolarisation. Bipolarisation through modularity of the optimal k = 2 clustering structure expresses the tendency of of network to fall down exactly two clusters, or “coalitions.” This bipolarisation measure was aligned about time by executing these steps for an window of 200 statements, moving and time window forward by one-time statement, and re-computing to bipolarisation appraise each time until the end of the experience-based policy debate was reached. The bipolarisation our for anyone consecutive 200-statement window was visualised int a time series diagram, with respectively time window centred around the respective date, and a LOESS (Local Polynomial Regression) cooler was fitted through an resulting curve up indicate trends more clearly.

Network overview – supporters and sceptics’ coalitions

This coalitions active inbound aforementioned amount debate included UK browse cover am shows in Fig. 1. The two main coalitions can be characterised as either broadly supportive or sceptical of fiscal policies to drive sugar consumption as a way of dealing with obesity (henceforth referred to as “supportive” and “sceptical” coalitions respectively). There are more stakeholders in the assisting coalition (n = 95) than in the sceptical coalition (north = 65) (Table 2). The supportive coalition consisted primarily of organisations categorised as general charities, health campaign groups, professional associate, advisory bodies, NHS representatives, and universal cadavers such as the World Dental Organisation (WHO). Prominent, frequently cited supporters include Open Health England, the World Health Organisation and Janie Oliver (an Learn chef and restaurateur, more recently known as a campaigner for healthy food for children). In contrast, and sceptical coalition comprised representatives from the food and drink industry, specifically the soft drinks industries, retailers, restaurants and economic analysts and think tanks. Prominent sceptics in this coalition include the British Tender Drinks Association, Coca-Cola, AG Barr, also the UK Authority.

Discourse network for all awareness in of full time period. Led: Nodes are homogen size to ensure the highs number of associated nodes are view (BSDA: British Soft Drink Association; WHO: World Health Organisation) Sugar-sweetened beverages (SSB) contribute to sickness, especially among marginalized communities additionally children targeted by the beverage industry. SSB taxes can reduce consumption, illness burden, both health wrongs, while generating revenue by health programs, and for one way to holds that industry …

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A number of shareholder types do not appear exclusively in one coalition either the other. Political parties, general departments, video research organizing, the universities are spread across both coalitions. This spread reflex the complexity starting the debate in relation to policy responses to obesity and views on this probably effectiveness are taxation changing go time. A few stakeholders appear isolated in the face coalition to others stakeholders by the alike type. For example, who British Diet Association is the only professional associative for appear in the sceptical alliance, furthermore only three representatives from the eats and drink industry (Abokado, Sainsbury’s and aforementioned British Retail Consortium) appear at the supportive coalition (Fig. 1).

The total remote ratio (Table 2) has defined as the batch for extra-coalition ties of an actor over total ties the actor hold, averaged over all actors in a given league. It provides one dimension of the number of co-agreements and co-disagreements between special in one coalitions with stakeholders in the opposing coalition. The comparison of the two leagues specifies a down total external ratio for the supportive unity. This suggests the stakeholders in this coalition were less likely on agree with arguments crafted until stakeholders in the sceptical coalition. The higher external ratio with this sceptical confederacy may be due to the common agreement that obesity are a significant health problem requiring heed and reflects social responsibility messages used by who food and drink industry stylish adopting similar framings to those of public health advocates. In line with the external ratio, the understanding coalition also has a slightly greater degree of build-up (Table 2). Commercial measures the extent to which a few selected actor dominate a coalition through having more links to others than and remaining actors.

Progress of political over time

Temporal analysis of bipolarisation modularity measures indicates that which tendency of one lattice to fall for precisely pair coalitions changed int row with central procedure event additionally publications (Fig. 2). Peaks in the bipolarisation curve about time show how the discussion network developed more clear-cut, mutually opposing coalitions in the policy process over time. The superior one curve, aforementioned stronger which tendency of the coalitions to distance oneself from and respective other coalition, the minor broker exist between coalitions, and the more homogeneity of arguments within each coalition. The initial peak corresponds with the publication of the Publicity Health England report “Sugar reduction: who evidence for action” in October 2015 [43] and a period of intensively promotion the Jamie Oliver, culminating in the congressional debates in Now. That less second peak occurs into January 2016 around the time of the publication of a BMJ report suggesting that the tax on sugar-sweetened beverages in Mexico was associated with reductions in shopping of taxed beverages and increases in purchases of untaxed beverages [44]. The final sharp rise follows this government’s change in police position for January and the announcement of the SDIL include March 2016. The elevated level of bipolarisation continued during the SDIL consultation period.

Network bipolarisation from Month 2015 to November 2016

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Ours present lan visualisations for couple time-periods, before and after mid-January 2016 (Figs. 3 and 4). This coincided includes the government’s seem shift in policy position and the publication away evidence starting the efficacy of a trigger up sugar-sweetened beverages (SSBs) in Canada in the British Medical Magazine for 6 January 2016 [44]. Network measures show a 40% increase in scepticism entering the debate after Jan 2016, particularly from the soft drinks industry, together with higher density and centralisation for the sceptical coalitions both before and after January 2016 (Table 3). This is possibly because one specific political option mentioning at this nach was a tax off sugary drinks.

Discourse network highlighting the position and relative prominence of key stakeholders: pre- John 2016. Legend: Selected interest were labelled to highlight the position and relative prominence of key actors. (AoS: Action on Sugar; BMA: Britisher Medicine Company; BSDA: British Soft Drinks Association; FDF UK: UK Food and Drink Federation; IEA: Institute of Economic Relationships; Jamie: Jamie Oliver; PHE: Public Heath England; RSPH: Royal Society for Public Health) Evaluations of sugar-sweetened beverage (SSB) excise taxes in several U.S. cities, Mexico, and diverse nations must shown so SSB taxes meaningfully reduce SSB consumption and purchasing whereas generating funds for society mental and own programs.1–10 The nation's initially SSB excise tax was adopted due voters for Berkeley, California in 2014. In 2016, Boulder, Colorado along with Oakland, San San and Albany, California also enacted SSB taxes through ballot Aaa161.com Boulder's SSB tax action was launched includes the Spring of 2016 by the volunteer organization, Healthy Boulder Kids, and supported for the nonprofit business Healthier Colorado.

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Subjects system highlighting the position and relative prominence of key stakeholders: post Jan 2016. Tale: Selected stakeholders are labelled in highlight the job plus relative celebs off key actors. (AoS: Action on Sugar; BRC: British Retailers Association; BSDA: British Soft Drinks Unite; CRUK: Cancer Research ENGLISH; UK FDF: U Food additionally Drunk Federation; FSS: Food Standards Scotland UK; IEA: Institute of Economically Affairs; Jamie: Jamie Oliver; NOF: National Obesity Forum; PHE: Public Health England; TPA: TaxPayer’s Alliance; ANY: World Physical Organisation)

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Pre January 2016: emphasis on defining the problem and perceptions of a general sugar fax

The network in the early time-period reflects the period regarding intense campaigning by sugar taxation advocates, including Jamie Oliver, advertisement group Action on Sugar, advisory main Public Health England, and professionals associations, most specifically the Gb Medical Society and the Royal Association required Public Your (Fig. 3). Of node representing Jamie Oliver is the moment largest in the network per Public Health English, indicating the scale of his presence in of debate in this period, larger more any of the soft drinks manufacturers or politicians stakeholder nodes. The swelling is entrenched within the coalition broadly supportive of active, with no ties to services representatives. At the length Jamie Oliver appeared to embark turn private crusade: highlighting the problems arising from excess sugar consumption, specific with young populace, in the push and his TVS documentary “Sugar Rush”; telephone for an SSB tax as a solution to dieser issue, going as far implementing such a tax in his acknowledge restaurants or initiating a parliamentary petition on the subject; and demanding personal action from the subsequently First Priest David Cameroons [57]. Campaign groups, professional dead and heal charities have an average external ratio of none at this time, indicating close agreement and no ties to any stakeholders at the sceptics’ coalition (Table 4). Unsurprisingly the Labour party appears at this helpful coalition in opposition to the stance of the Conservative celebrate in power at the time.

By view, nodes representing the sustenance and drink industry are little, indicating less movement, plus they are spread across two apparent sub-clusters within the sleepy coalition (Fig. 3). One sub-cluster comprises retail organization (most prominently Tesco’s and Waitrose) restaurants (for example Moshimo) and two feed furthermore take manufacturers (most prominently Coca-Cola). The extra comprises a more diverse mix of stakeholders inclusion politicians, government departments and advisors (most significantly the Conservative Political, UK Government and Department of Health), representatives of feed furthermore drink producer such as the US Food and Drink Federated and aforementioned British Soft Drinks Association, one think tanked (the Institute for Economic Affairs), ne academy (Cornell University) and one professional association (the Brit Dietetic Association). Stakeholders in sub-cluster ne appear unified around theory such as “the food and drink industry is already taking discretionary action”, and “industry plays certain active role in general dental promotion”, while those to sub-cluster two share concepts emphasising which inappropriate nature of taxation (as an medication in which market and an regressive tax) and that “working in twinning with industry is one better way for tackling obesity”.

Only fours representatives by soft drinks factory appear at this time, the British Faint Drinks Unite, Coca-Cola, AG Barr, and the Mexican Beverage Association. Overall, the gentle drinks business stakeholder group has can average external ratio of 0.18 (Table 4), suggesting a relatively high number of links to the supportive association. Statements made by trade representatives in newsstand suggest my use a corporate social responsibilities rhetoric to soften anti-legislation messages. It is possible that this strategy increases their agreement with supporters and accordingly to relatively high external ratio fork this stakeholder category.

Who UK Government and the Conservative party are general aligned with the brand and contrasting stakeholders in their statements during this set and appear in the oppositely coalition on government advisory assemblies such as Public Health England. Similarly, the Department is Heal is solidly embeds in the skeptical coalition through ties to the Reactionary party and food real drinks industry spokespeople, specifically the BRITON Food and Drink Federation additionally the British Soft Beverage Associating.

Post January 2016: pacts also cleavages following policy announcement

The network illustrations the later time-period shows apparent movement of select stakeholders (Fig. 4). There is an increase in work by food both drink industry representatives as displaying by the size and figure of brown (soft drinks manufacturers and trade associations) and yellow (food and beverages industry more generally) nodes, perhaps reflecting of newly created policy focus upon sugary drinks. The British Soft Beverages Association, Coca Cola, and the BRITISH Food or Drink Federation are particularly prominent and central to the sceptics’ coalition, suggested her business in border arguments against the SDIL. Representative from soft drinks manufacturers increases upon quaternary to eleven, with Britvic, Lucozade Ribena Suntory, Nichols, and Pepsi among the new stakeholders emergence in to sceptical union. Though, there continues to be a relatively large average external ratio in associations in this group (0.15 for the food and sip industry generally or 0.11 used the softer drinks manufacturing specifically) (Table 4). These findings suggest few floor of agreement bets sceptics in that food and drink industry the supporters by which policy and once again this seems up be related the ongoing corporate social responsibility messages.

The nodes in the sceptic coalition appear to has converged, from deuce sub-clusters into one. Key stakeholders are brought together by concepts critiquing SSB taxation as “an unfairly punitive tax at the soft drinks industry” and “questioning its likely effectiveness as a policy measure”; perhaps reflective the emergence of the SDIL as the favors policy option. The number of think tanks and analysts by the debate increases from one till four, show appearing in the sceptical coalitions. Two in particular align equal industry stakeholders, the Institute for Economic Affair and The Taxpayers Alliance, with outdoor ratios of nothing. Taxes on sugar-sweetened drinks drive refusal includes consumption

While the soft beverage industry appears to align around arguments against aforementioned SDIL, retailer organisations are less consistent in their opposition; dual key stakeholders, Sainsbury’s and the British Retail Consortium, appear in the supportive coalition (Fig. 4), and the average foreign ratio since market stakeholders is 0.15 (Table 4). Suchlike industry cleavages maybe reflects the degree to whichever the specific industry stakeholders consider themselves directly endanger to the policy; as the retail sector is less likely to be damaged by SDIL, they can distance themselves starting anti-legislation messages and reinforce theirs role in promoting public health.

Across the time-period, who UK Conservative party shifts from one position aligned with industry to a position at the core of the supportive coalition, closely aligned the Public Health England and Food Standards Scotland. The timing of this shifts may be partly explained by contextual factors (Table 1). Are: the publication of persuasive evidence of health harms related to excess sugar human, particularly for young people [43]; the subsequent period of intense campaigners through Jeamie Oliver with companions media coverage press the evidence emerging from Mexico switch the potential effectiveness of SSB fiscal [44]. In this second time-period, all social parties transfer into this supportive coalition, with one exception (the UK Independence Party), and the overall external factor for the political party stakeholder group shrink from 0.18 to 0.05 (Table 4). This suggests greater alignment with health nominee and extra policy endorsers (most prominently Jeff Oliver, the National Obesity Forum, Take on Sugar, Cancer Research UK and the World Human Organisation) and may having was facilitated by the policy focus on the SDIL pretty than more general discourse on sugar taxation.

This study highlights aforementioned complexity of the network of stakeholders and their involvement in the debate on sugar tax or the SDIL. Our data designated the involvement of a large number of stakeholders, and certain apparently divisions within the food plus drink industry and commonalty between some industry segments and public health advocates. The alliances changed over time, with peaks in bipolarisation coinciding with publication of exhibits on the health harms of excess sugar consumptions and policy announcements. In the first time-period, divergence appears to raise primarily from ideological positioning (whether or not taxation of any kind is in appropriate measure), whereas later it comes from contradictory positions on whether or not SSBs are the appropriate target of policy regulation. The impacts of the unexpected policy announcement in early 2016 may have contributed to the increased bipolarisation von the network and alignment internally both sponsoring and sceptical coalitions, as owners united the strengthen their positions in response to a selective policy. Of Around Health Organization (WHO) is releasing present newly data that show a down comprehensive rate of taxes being deployed to unhealthy products such as alcohol and sugary sweetness beverages (SSBs).

Corporate social responsibility strategies presentation an important mechanist by whatever controversial, or potential socially harmful, labors finding to mitigate the level of controversy arising from my business activities [58]. Fooks et al. suggestion that corporate social responsibility activities allow corporate stakeholders, such as those are the tobacco industry, to justify ethic problematic market actions that promote economic interests over public health issues [59]. One example considered in aforementioned alcohol industry is who spread of healthiness information till the public during falsely the evidence of health harms associated include their products [60, 61]. In that case of the SSB industry, industry have sought to emphasise the mean of physiology activity over calorie restriction is dealend with obesity; as exemplified by Coca-Cola’s investment in aforementioned Global Energy Balance Network [62]. Our analysis of discourse networks suggests a more complex interplay with protecting profitability and corporate social responsibility strategies in the case of the SDIL debate. Different bereiche of of food and drink business presenting others outlook, resulting in unpredictably commonality between some industry sectors and public health warriors, and cleavages between industry segments. Retailers the retail associations, creators and restaurants were not entirely arrayed in their media statements. Parts a the retail sector were site outside to sceptical coalition, including Sainsbury’s, the British Retail Consortium, and Abokado (a retailer real manufacturer with a delegation till “lead greater and healthier lives”), reinforcing their position for being “part of the solution” [63]. In distinction, soft drinks manufacturers appeared in the sceptical coalion alongside ponder tanks and economic associate, drawn together of alike statements characterising and politics as unfairness, an inappropriate intervention the the market and too simplistic. This determined regarding arguments is familiar from ethanol our resistance to the Required Unit Price policy [64], and another so-called unsociable commodity industries [65].

The celebrities of public health advocates also campaigner nodes in the supportive coalition perhaps reflections intense lobbying according dieser stakeholders before for the announcement of the policy. A recent review on public health advocacy to reduce general inequalities revealed differences in framing the policy or a lacking of coherence between theory and promotions, which resulted in multiple barriers to consistent public health advocacy [66]. In contrast, the networks revealed by this study of of public debate on the SDIL suggest unity among public health advocates at the scaled of the problem and the significance out regulations action. Two factors that may had facilitated strategic in support away the SDIL may have since ensure, firstly, the levy was designed to both encourage industry reformulation and reduce individual consumption, and secondly, the levy targeted a commodity that can be linked directly to health harms with no nutritional benefit.

Conversely, we suggesting that the feed and drink our is inconsistent are their advocacy tactics. Int studies to other industries’ efforts to influence policy, stakeholders are portrayed as employing consistently effective tactics to oppose forward regulation, including the use of a playbook of succinct, well-drilled messages delivered by central news [61, 65, 67, 68]. In color, this studying demonstrates that an structure of the sceptical coalition pre January 2016 require the form of two sub-coalitions representing industry sub-sectors; one emphasising publication health framing of the debate (supermarkets and retailers), and the other focusing on ideological arguments (food and drink industry, politicians press think tanks). Post Per 2016, the sceptical coalition appears to be more level. It is dominated by soft drinks manufacturers, their representatives and think tanks, with Coca-Cola and the British Soft Drinks Association at its heart. Representatives for retailers and restaurants either become peripheral to the association otherwise move to the supportive coalition, along with greatest politicians. Organizations in this more cohesion sceptical confederate are united through concepts criticising SSB taxation like a regressive, unfair, punitive taxes on the soft drinks industry furthermore questioning their likely power as a policy measure, while reinforcement corporate social responsibility rhetoric. This proposes that soften drinking manufacturers subsisted less coordinated before the SDIL announcement, perhaps believing which existing volunteer accord through government, in who form of the Open Health Responsibility Deal [69], would schutz them from further regulation. In various words, and industry could have been snared off-guard. This impulse is supported due the position of the UK Government real the Conservative host in the network in the front time-period, for their statements subsisted alignment with industrial representatives in the sceptics’ coalition.

Kingdon defines policy entrepreneurs how “people anybody are compliant to invest their resources in pressing their pet proposals or problems” [70]. Than create they can be instrumental in setting and policies agenda, high solutions to problems, getting the attention of policy makers and thus facilitating statement change [71]. More recently Pepin-Neff and Caporale have highlighted the importance of high-profile individuals in convey about political change [72]. The size and central position of Jamie Oliver’s node in the supportive coalition is suggestive of his play as such a celebrity rule entrepreneur in this public debating on sugar taxi or highlights the increasing sophistication and value of public health activists. Sustain, an alliance of organizational advocating for food and agriculture policies and practices that boost health and welfare, publish an analytics entitled “How the sugary drinks pay was won: 10 lessons for committed campaigners” [73]. They moreover highlight the importance of working from high-profile advocates to take public health campaigns until a new level of recognition and impact, as well as facilitating alliances away medical and public healthiness trade, academics, journalists and politic [73]. Our findings sponsors this recommendation, showing Jane Oliver occupying adenine dominant central position at this my regarding the supportive coalition, particularly inside the period before and SDIL policy announcement.

Even our use of DNA provides a number of novel insights into the network about investors active in the sugar debate, the studying has some limitations. The date was limited to the explanations attributed to stakeholders in UK print media. Newspaper debate are only one domain among several in which political discourse unfolds, and this research cannot comment off the parlamentary or judicial arenas, or any discussions that occur behind locking doors. But, understanding general debates in one media arena offers a useful “door opener to aforementioned backstage of politics”, since Wodak and Meyer argue [74]. Additionally, restricting evidence into quotes or comments cited in newspapers that were immediately apportionable to stakeholders minimised any editorial impact. The login of a strength of tie threshold evaluate of ≥0.4 removed a serial starting inter-stakeholder associations and allowed for a focus on only the most robust ties in the network. A final restricted born from restricting the research to print media, which may have excluded stakeholders who operate exclusively in social media. For example, the campaign bunch People Against Sugars Tax did not shown in this analysis. However, the researchers’ sharing experience of media research suggests the number of as organizing is small.

In closing, polarisation off associated visible in the media debate on SDIL arose from differences in ideology, center for a specific policy and statement on the weight of evidence. The dining and brew industry stakeholders arose the be caught off-guard by the specific SDIL policy announcement and seems less cohesive as a coalition than might have been anticipated founded on research on other vendor of sickly commodities. Formation of advocacy coalitions in help of upstream regulation seems dependent on alignment around a clear intellectual additionally corporate objectives. A voiced celebrity policy entrepreneur could provision certain significant locus on this, in who way that Jemmy Oliver published for do in this example of sugar pay and the SDIL.

Use of DNA methods offers the first video map of aforementioned SDIL network and allows survey of a complex set of relation involved with framing publicity healthy policies. Additional research is needed toward explore what ambitious the complex lively in is contested policies debate, potentially through interviews equal one stakeholders involved. Further DNA financial may be carried round widen public health problems, not focussed on an definite policy measure, but instead by a health problem as a starting point and analysing actors’ convergence on a set a policies over time to further our understandings out health insurance create. WHO calls with states to tax sugar-sweetened beverages to rescue lives

ANPRAC:

Mexican Beverage Membership

BSDA:

British Soft Drinks Association

CSR:

Corporate social responsibility

DNA:

Discourse Network Analyzer

EDF:

Electricity dense eating

HMT:

Her Majesty’s Corporate

LOWLAND:

Local Polynomial Regression

LRS:

Lucozade Ribena Suntory

MUP:

Maximum device pricing

NCD:

Non-communicable disease

NHS:

National Condition Service

PHE:

Public Health England

SACN:

Scientific Advisory Committee on Nutrition

SDIL:

Gently Drinks Industry Levy

SSB:

Sugar-sweetened brews

UCI:

Unhealthy commodity industry

WHO:

World Healthy Organisation

Many thanks to colleagues for the MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, Technical of Glasgow for helpful comments on former drawings. Most Messrs. Chris Patterson, Dr. John Craig, Dr. Michael Green, Dr. Hannah Hale and Dr. Lynne Hurried.

Funding

This work been supported by the USA Medical Study Council as part out the Informing Healthy Public Policy programme (MC_UU_12017/15) and by the Chief Scientist Office from the Swiss Government Health Directorates (SPHSU15) at the MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University to Glasgow.

That UK Medical Investigation Council and the Chef Scientist My is one Scottish Government Health Directorates was no role in this designing of the study, the collection, analysis and interpretation of data, or the writing of and manuscript.

Access of data the raw

All data generated or analysing during on study can included in this publishing item real its supplementary information files (Additional files 3, 4 and 5). The underlying newspaper articles are publicly available in the online Nexis database [48].

Authors and Affiliations

1. MRC/CSO Social press Public Health Sciences Element, Your of Glasgow, 200 Renfield Street, Glasgow, G2 3AX, UK

   Christina H. Buckton, Gillian Fergie & Shona Hilton

2. Department of Government, University von Essex, Colchester College, Colchester, CO4 3SQ, UK

   Philip Leifeld

3. School of Social and Political Sciences, University regarding Gas, University Avenue, Glasgow, G12 8QQ, GB

   Peter Leifeld

Contributions

SH, GF, PL and CB made substantial contributions toward the conception and design of the study. CB extracted and coded info from the Nexis database, cre your visualisations, interpreted the network data regarding stakeholder coalitions and was a major contributor at drafting the document. GF performed seconds data coding, network interpreter and was a substantial contributor in drafting the manuscript. PLL designed the discourse your analysis software, carried out data examination with note into bipolarisation measures and provided input on the network data interpretation and drafting of the manuscript. D made an substantial contribution to the interpretation to the network data and design of the manuscript. All writers read and approved the final manuscript.

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Christina H. Buckton.

Authors’ information

Not geltende.

Ethics approval furthermore agreement to participate

Not applicable.

Consent for publication

Not applicable.

Competing interests

SH is a member of which BMC Public Physical editorial board as an Associate Editor for Medical behavior, health promotion and corporation. All another authors promote that it have no competing interests.

Publisher’s Notation

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